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t29S 



OF 



COLONEL ORNE 



TO THE ATTACKS OF 



MR. NATHANIEL GREENE, AND DAVID 
HENSHAW, AND OTHERS, 



IN THE 



BOSTOJV STATESMAN. 



>f««»- 



BOSTON '. \-^' 
PUBLISHED BY PUTNAM & HUNT, 

1830. 



.©•-,4- 



REPLY. 

The Statesman party of Boston, as it is generally termed, is com- 
posed of a small body of low, unprincipled intriguers, who, by some 
means or other, with the aid of Duff Green, have contrived to obtain 
from the president appointments to office of the first importance, 
much to the astonishment of (hemselves, from their unsuitableness to 
fill them, to the deep chagrin and disgust of the community, at the de- 
gradation of public trusts, and to tlie great and almost irreparable in- 
jury of the national administration. 

This intriguing body, having so far deceived the government as to 
obfain important and lucrative trusts, at their hands, have found it 
necessary to support one imposition, by the practice of another ; and 
at'ter causing the government to neglect their true friends, they at- 
tempted to vilify and slander them. The first attacks were made by 
Duff Green, which was overlooked for many months — the Boston 
Statesman followed up the game by the vilest insinuations ; and, fi- 
nally, the whole Duff Green presses opened upon them with the more 
polished but envenomed shafts of " Anti-Janus." This drew forth the 
letters of " Columbus," about which .so much has been said, and to 
which the Statesman party have attempted a reply, under the name of 
Nath'l Green, the Boston printer post master. This reply, however, 
consists, not in defence of themselves ; for that seems even in their 
own opinion, a hopeless project ; but in an attack on Col. Orne. This 
appeared in September in the Boston Statesman; was afterwards re-pub- 
lished in the Washington Telegraph, and has more recently been 
printed in a pamphlet form, and been silently transmitted to Washing- 
ton, to endeavor to keep up the deception among the members of 
Congress. 

This attack, eo nomine of Mr. Nath'l. Greene, was for a long time 
treated with silent contempt by Cnl. Orne, until the prostituted Duff 
Green presses, with a very few others more respectable, but deceived^ 
trumpeted forth in trmmph the slanders as a complete vindication of 
the Statesman party. The opinions of these prostituted or deceived 
presses, are now added to the original Statesman publication, and cir- 
culated as evidence of the public sentiment. 

After waiting a long time, Col. Orne, at the solicitation of many of 
his friends^ undertook the exposure of their slanders, by a eeriw of 



numbers published in the Boston Bulletin ; and in them developed a 
system oi" fraud, detraction, and falsehood, which have probably been 
isnparallelled in this country. The letters of Col Orne, on this sub- 
ject, it is universally conceded bv friends and foes, have shown the 
whole Statesman puhlicati'n to be a tissue of falsehoods, and has irre- 
trievably fastened falsehood on the character of nearly every man who 
has siiTtied a certificate in Mr. Green's publication. We have been 
strongly u!{;ed to republish these numbers. Their lenj^th has been 
the only objection on our part ; but we have finally concluded to pub- 
lish such parts of them as have the strongest bearing on the subject ; 
and as will probably be deemed sufficient by every one to expose the 
true character of the Statesman party. The extracts are sometii! es 
preceded by explanatory remarks necessary to preserve a connexion 
in the subject. 

The first number, from the Bulletin of October 21st, we publish 
entire. 



To the Editors of the Bulletin : 

Gentlemen— On the 26th of Sept. 1829, Mr. Nathaniel Greene 
published in the Boston Statesman nearly seven columns of charges 
against me, purporting to be in vindication of himself. These were 
afterwards, I am told, published in the form of a handbill, to the num- 
ber of two thousand copies, and distributed in every part of the United 
States. The same article, in exlenno, has been since republished in 
that dignified and national paper, the Washington Telegraph, and cir- 
culated abundantly in every region of the republic To this article, I, 
on the day of its first publication, by a card, in the Bulletin, promised, 
when my convenience would permit it, a reply. I shall now proceed 
to make it. I am well aware that reply will reach the eyes of but few 
of those whom Mr. Greene's charges must have reached. The poi- 
son will circulate more actively than the antidote. The falsehood has 
been carried where truth cannot hope to follow it. There is no Jack- 
son paper in Washington to bear to every section of the republic the 
refutation as well as the slander. Engaged in a common cause, — the 
misrepresentation of the honorable friends of Gen. Jackson, — the two 
Greenes, '^ pur nobile fratrum.''^ labor zealously in their vocation, and 
play most conveniently into each other's hands. Whatever we may 
think of DufT Green's attachment to the Jackson party, no one will 
suspect his devotion to his own : and he who exerts himself to over- 
throw the Duff Green domination^ would be unreasonable to expect 
the plainest act of justice from the Telegraph. 

It has been, however, most beautifully observed, that though false- 
hood move on the wings of the wind, and truth is slow to be roused 
in her pursuit, yet, be the advantage of the start what it may, falsehood 
v/ill ultimately be overtaken. Let the two Green's scatter their false- 
hoods where they please, it will give me no anxiety, so long as the 
smallest branch of tiie press is open lo my vindication. Truth, like 
the dew which the purity of heaven distils on the mountain side, falls 



in modest and unobtrusive drops into the obscure rivulet, and winds 
its slow unnoticed course through successive streams, until it emerges 
at length into the broad and deep ocean of public opinion. 

The charges of Mr. JS'athaniel Greene reach through a long series 
of years, and embrace a great variety of circumstjinccs. To go fully 
into the investigation of them all, would be auoin to give a history of 
the Jackson party in this place, and to support it by testimony. Tiiis 
is a labor I sliall not assume, nor can it be one whicli any thing Mr. 
Nathaniel Greene may assert, With all the aid of the Statesman 
party, can render necessary. A true and faithful party history of the 
limes, has been given by Columbus : and the most iniportant of the 
facts which he asserts, being in their own nature, to a certain extent, 
notorious, and capable of being corroborated by numerous respectable 
witnesses, I must refer to his writings, in general, for the proof of 
much that may be deemed relevant to this issue. The facts which Mr. 
Greene, however, has endeavored to establish by ceri'ijicaics, I have 
asserted to he false, and pledged myself to furnish the requisite proof 
to the public, — and this pledge I shall redeem. 

I have been uncertain whether or not I should say any thing more 
of my pecuniary connexions with Mr. Nathaniel Greene. The sub- 
ject itself is so disgusting that I must do great violence to my feelings 
to allude to it at all. To engage in a controversy with a man of the 
standing and character of Rlr. Nathaniel Greene, is still more revolt- 
ing to my nature ; and on my own account, I should be better pleased 
to remain silent, and suffer his slanders to do me any injury which 
those proceeding from such a source are able to inflict. Some of my 
friends, however, consider the character of the Jackson republican 
party to be involved, in some degree, in the controversy ; and as a 
more honorable party, or one having better claims to the public confi- 
dence and respect, never existed in this community, I do not feel at 
liberty, for any private considerations, to v.ithhold my efforts in its 
vindication. 

My reluctance, however, to allude further to these pecuniary mat- 
ters, proceeds from another source. I cannot persuade myself that it 
is necessary. There is nothing in the fads adduced by Mr. Greene 
in relation to my statement, which requires an answer. They com- 
port, in every essential point, with my own asseitions in regard to 
them. They are the very facts on which 1 rely in my answer to Duff 
Green. The documents, in relation to this suliject, which he adduces, 
are such as I should myself have given with my statement to the com- 
munity. It is true, Mr. Greene has woven in, with the facts, many 
unfounded imputations, and much irrelevant matter, equally suscepti- 
ble of being exposed, but which, resting in general on no authority 
but himself, cannot require an ansv^'er. For n)e, therefore, to allude 
further to this subject at all, is ratiier a compliance with the wishes of 
respected friends, who fear that many may receive unjust impressions, 
than proceeding from any solicitude of my own. What fortifies me 
strongly in my impression is the answer I have uniformly received, 



6 

when I have asked what it is, in Mr. Greene's statement, which it is 
expedient for me to answer. What fact does he adduce which wars 
with my statement ? I have asked this question of every one, repeat- 
edly, who has spoken to me on the subject, and the effect has been, 
in the first place, an appearance of surprise, in the second, a refer- 
ence to the charges in the Statesman, and in the third, an acknowl- 
edgment that, there was nothing important which intelligent men would 
not readily perceive was in support of my assertions. I speak now in 
reo-ard to the pecuniary matters. To render this point, however, sat- 
isfactory to those who do not examine with sufficient care the different 
sides of the controversy, I will allude once more to the revolting sub- 
ject, and conclusively shov/, that so far from Mr. Nathaniel Greene 
having made his case to stand better than it did, on the ground on 
which I placed it in my first letter to Gen. Green, it actually stands 
worse, by the addition of new and irrelevant falsehoods, showing the 
baseness of his ingratitude to be of a still darker hue. 

To understand the merits of a controversy, it is necessary distinctly 
to keep in mind the point in question. What then aue the respective 
sides of the dispute about my pecuniary connexion with Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene ? 

When the Jackson repuhliciins divided from the Statesman party, 
the most severe denunciations were uttered in regard to me. It was 
said that I had oppressed Nathaniel Greene, in ray pecuniary dealings 
Avith him — I had injured him. For my writings in his paper, it was 
said I had most unjustly, and to his aslonishment, demanded to be paid : 
and when he was unable to pay me, and had given me his note, I had 
compelled him to pay it suddenly, in a time of great difliculty and dis- 
tress, contrary to my word, unth a view to break down his press — that I 
had used my relation to him as a creditor, as an engine of oppression. 
Such were the rumors floating for months all over the city. They 
produced an excitement against me, indignant, violent, and almost out- 
rageous. Curses were bestowed on my name (not in my hearing) 
in unmeasured terms. I was appealed to, very often, by my friends 
for an explanation. I bore all these ridiculous charges with great 
composure, and made no effort to refute them. Open discussion would 
have been war, and the harmony of the party, — the interest of the 
Jackson cause, — told me it was my duty to suffer, rallier than quar- 
rel. These charges, to my knowledge, came substantially, from 
Nath'l. Greene. The character of them, simply as a specimen, I 
shall show in the course of my answer. 

But the charge which led immediately to the controversy in ques- 
tion, is that made in the U. S. Telegragh, as follows : 

" It is urged against those who have been appointed to office at Boston, that they have 
written articles irjr the Boston Statesman ! ! And tiiis objection is made a virtue in Col. 
Orne, who not content with having received payment in cash, from the real editor and 
proprietor of the paper, set up his services as a partizan writer in that print, thus de- 
manding to be twice paid for the same services." 



What is the direct and obvious meaning of this language ? It is ex- 
plicit enough in itself, although, if it were not so, the context and char- 
acter of the whole article, from which it was extracted, would render 
it so. 

" I had been to Washington, «7nong' <Ae most jwpor/uno^c to solicit an appointment 
from the president. I urged my claim as a partizan writer, in the Boston Statesman, in- 
his favor. But I had been paid for those writings, by Mr. Greene, the real editor and 
proprietor of that paper. I therefore demanded to lie twice paid for the same sei'vices." 

It was my writings in the Jackson contest, for which I, with so much 
importunity, demanded an office from the president. Not for editing 
the Statesman one year, at a period three years before the Jackson 
contest commenced. This would be absurd. Not for writing in the 
paper, during a former contest, when Mr. Crawford was my candidate. 
These writings could afford no claim on Gen. Jackson, for they were 
not services to him, but a^^ainst him — to his competitor. To have de- 
manded payment of him, for advocating his opponent, would have been 
worse than absurd — would have been impudent. 

This charge of Dufi" Green, then, I denied. I said I had not been 
paid, by the editor and proprietor of the Statesman, or any one else, 
for advocating the election of Gen. Jackson. I said more. I had 
never received, or been promised, demanded, or expected to be paid, 
by any body, one cent, for writing in the Statesman, not only during 
the Jackson contest, but during the whole presidential contest which 
preceded it, when Mr. Crawford was my candidate. 

Which statement then was true, Duff Green's charge, or my denial ? 
I said Duff Green told a falsehood. Is (his True, or is it not .'' If Gen. 
Jackson had appointed mo to an office, should I have been tivicc paid 
for the same services! What other payment than the office should I have 
received ? Who paid me before, or besides } Does Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene utter such a pretence .' Does he support Dufi' Green, or does 
he support me } — Was the assertion of the Telegraph a falsehood, or 
not .'' Does Nathaniel Greene dare to back the falsehood of DufF 
Green ? 

I had stated in my denial, that all the services as editor of the 
Statesman, for which I ever received, demanded, or expected pay- 
ment, were rendered before February, 1822. Was this true or false ? 
Has Mr. Nath'l. Greene dared to contradict it .' So far from claiming 
payment for the aid I still continued to render the Statesman, long after 
1822, I put a hario such claim, however equitable, as I shall hereaf- 
ter show, it might otherwise have been. Mr. Nathaniel Greene him- 
self furnishes the proof 

" Boston, March 1st , 1822. The compensation fi.xed by the within instrument, at 
the rate of ^oaO per annum, is understood to have ceased at the end of the year therein 
specified, and is not to continue for services hereinafter to be rendered, without a new 
arrangement to that, or some other effect. 

HENRY ORNE." 

This document implies that my services might still be continued, 
but they must be without pay. Here then was a bar to compensation^ 



8 

endorsed on the very articles of agreement themselves, by which I 
was constituted the editor of the paper. Is this the way Nathaniel 
Greene supports his honorable coadjutor ? — What do you say, Gen. 
Duff Green ; call you this backing your friends ? 

As this charge, upon which was the real issue in question, was 
shown to be false, not only by me but by my adversary, the controver- 
sy might here, with propriety, have ended. But the charge of op- 
pressing Mr. Nathaniel Greene, which I had suffered to be circulated 
a long time without deigning to answer it, from a regard to the harmo- 
ny of the party, was one which my friends were anxious should be 
met. I thought the occasion of exposing the falsehood of Duff Green, 
a proper one for exposing the malice of Nathaniel Greene, and gave, 
therefore, a faithful narrative of my connection with the Statesman. 
In this I was obliged to rely, in a great measure, on my memo- 
ry, as nearly all the documents were in possession of True & Greene, 
who would publish such, or such parts of them only, as might suit their 
purpose. That my recollection was substantially and sutficiently ac- 
curate, appears by those parts of the documents which Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene has communicated to the public. The variations are slight, 
and such as do not affect the merits of the dispute. I shall therefore 
consider in the tirst place, how far my statement is confirmed by that 
which Mr. Nalhaniel Greene chooses to make, and in the second, 
shall expose the gross mistakes in his statement. 

Having established the point that I was never paid, promised, or ex- 
pected to be paid, for writing during the two last presidential contests, 
I further slated, 

" The amount due me from the publishers of tlie Statesman, was continued, for years, 
with those pulilishers as a loan. No part of it was paid, principal or interest, until with- 
in, if I remember correctly, one or two years. And after it was paid, I continued to en- 
dorse True §• Greene's notes at a bank, for at least eight or nine hundred dollars at a 
time. Nay, more — up to the very moment of the establishment of the Jackson Republi- 
can, I was an endorser for True & Greene, on a note to the North Bank, for four (mis- 
printed for Jive) hundred dollars, until 1 withdrew all connexion with the Statesman, and 
placed an equal amount in the new paper." 

I shall compare the several clauses of this statement, with Mr. 
Greene's publication in regard to them, and see whether they are de- 
nied or confirmed. The first clause is, " the amount due me from the 
publishers of the Statesman was continued, for years, with those pub- 
lishers as a loan." 

All the amount the publishers of the Statesman owed me, with the 
unimportant exception 1 shall notice in a minute, was due February 
1st, 1822. Was this, or not, continued with them for years, as a 
loan ? By Mr. Greene's statement it appears that no part was paid 
me, principal or interest, until July 2Ist, 1826, /oMr years and nearly 
six months afterwards. It was then settled by a note for ^794 41 and 
interest, at six months, discounted at the North Bank, as appears by 
the statement of the Cashier. The amount then was continued for years, 
in the hands of tlie publishers of the Statesman, as I asserted. Mr. 
Greene publishes the account between them and me, by which it ap- 



9 

pears that after Feb. 1st, 1822, there were no further contracts be- 
tween them and me, except for services rendered them in the line of 
my profession, $28, and which they paid for by printing account ,^11, 
25 — and " N. Greene's due bill (probably for borrowed money,) $1<3," 
both of which amounts do not exceed the debt. J contracted with 
them for printing, and therefore do not increase the amount due from 
them to me, by the transactions previous to Feb. 1st, 1822. 

Was the amount thus continued in tlieir hands for years, continued 
as a loan ? If an amount due from one person to another, and which 
remains, by agreement of the parties, after it is payable, in the hands 
of the debtors, be not a loan, I shall, as a professional man, be much 
indebted to Mr. Nathaniel Greene, the printer post-master, to inform 
me what it is. 

The next clause is, " no part of it was paid, principal or interest, 
until within, if I remember correctly, one or two years." The ac- 
count stated by Mr. Greene shows there were no partial payments of 
principal or interest, but the whole amount was included in the note of 
July 21st. 1826, at six months. This became due in January, 1827, 
and was, in a colloquial sense, within " one or two" years of the time 
of my statement, to wit, Sept. 18th, 1829. When that note was dis- 
counted, it was no longer a debt due from True &. Greene to me, for 
the debt due me I received in cash, but from them to the North Bank, 
with my guaranty. The North Bank was the creditor. True and 
Greene the principal debtors, and myself the collateral guarantor. 
The North Bank might renew the loan, or call, in the first instance, 
on True 6z. Greene, and in their default, on me, for payment. True 
&y Greene applied for a renewal, and succeeded in part, to wit, for 
$700, which new note I endorsed for them. This brings me to the 
next clause of my statement. 

" After it (the'debt of True & Greene to me) was paid, I continu- 
ed to endorse their notes at a bank for at least eight or nine hundred 
dollars at a time." Besides the note of July 21st, 1826, for, includ- 
ing interest, j^318 63, and all the subsequent notes, made for the re- 
newal of the whole or part of this loan, it seems by Mr. Greene's 
statement, I endorsed one other note, after Mr. David Henshaw, for a 
small amount, (which he does not choose to give,) and also the note 
for $152 for borrowed money. If this Henshaui note was one for -$300, 
was my statement, which Mr. Greene pretends to deny, within or be- 
yond the truth .' Let a school boy calculate the amounts, I am tired 
of them. Let it be remembered that these facts appear in Mr. Greene's 
own statement. What then must be thought of him, who in the face 
of such facts could state, that my assertion that I continued to en- 
dorse True & Greene's notes, after my debt was paid, " was unquali- 
fiedhj false '?" To say that Mr. Greene may escape by a quibble, — 
that what I call a payment he does not, — is in itself a miserable, con- 
temptible subterfuge, which a man, with any pretensions to honor, 
must reject with scorn. Where the same facts are stated, and the in- 
tention is manifest, inaccuracy in the use of terms, or a use of them in 



10 

a mistaken sense, may be a ground of philological criticism, but none 
lor a charge of falsehood, against either party. And I will freely sub- 
mit to any man of intelligence, or knowledge of business, if it were 
possible to have stated my pecuniary connexion with the publishers of 
the Statesman, in a plainer, more candid, or more accurate manner. 
If, instead of calling the discount, at the North Bank, of the note for 
.^818 63, the product of which was paid me in cash, a payment of my 
debt, I had called it a loan to me, and said that I had continued my 
debt, due Feb. 1st. 1822, as a loan in True & Greene's hands, until 
the final payment of the $500 note, Aug. 2d, 1828. what would have 
been said of my statement, when they showed, by the certificate of the 
cashier, that I had received my money, as early as July 21st, 1826 ? 
Would they not, at once, have said, that they borrowed the money of 
the North Bank to pay me, and did pay me, and all that I afterwards 
did was to endorse their notes, to continue the loan which they had re- 
ceived of the Bank, who, and not myself, was, from that time, their 
creditor ? And is my statement of this fact, plain and obvious from 
Mr. Greene's own publication, a falsehood ? What a shameful, con- 
temptible, infamous perversion of language is this — unworthy of the 
meanest word I have employed in replying to it. It is a miserable 
quibble, altogether too contemptible for notice. 

The next clause is that, "up to the very moment of the establish- 
ment of the Jackson Republican, I was an endorser for True and 
Greene, on a note to the North Bank, for four (misprinted for five) 
hundred dollars." Mr. Greene says " this assertion is/a/se." 

By the statement of the cashier of the North Bank, published by 
Mr. Greene, it appears that January 26, 1828, True and Greene's 
note for $500, endorsed by me, was discounted for si.x: months, and 
paid August 2d. The first number of the Jackson Republican, was 
published August 9th, 1828. I have stated that four was printed by 
mistake for five, and to show that Mr. Greene can have no advantage 
from a quibble or a typographical error, it will appear by a reference to 
the Bulletin, published Sept. 19th, 1829, this very typographical error 
was noticed in that paper in the following pointed manner. 

To the Editors of the Bulletin. 

Gentlemen — It is, doubtless, not the fault of your workmen, but the carelessness of 
my manuscript, which caused one or two typographical errors in the publication of my 
letter to General Green. If the sense had not been thereby materially affected, I should 
not have requested you to correct them. 

The passage which says " I have only known Duff Green to be a shameless liar," 
should have been I have long known him, &c. 

The passage which speaks of the sum for which I was endorser for Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene, when I detected him in a conspiracy with others, should have stated yi»e hundred 
dollars, and not four hundred, as you had it. 

Respectfully, your ob't serv't. 

HENRY ORNE. 

In what sense then I was not an endorser on True and Greene's 
note for $500 up to Aug. 2d, 1828, or how my statement of the fact is 
fahe, must I leave to some one abler than I am to comprehend. In 



11 

trying to understand the meaning of Mr. Nathaniel Greene's language 
I find myself more puzzled than by that of the Pottawattamies. 

There is another assertion in my first letter to Duff Green, which 
is also denied by Nathaniel Greene — it is as follows. 

" During the same period (that of the presidential contest) there have been times in 
Boston when money could not be commanded on any credit, and immense sacrifices, on 
the best notes, two or three per cent, a month, were made to obtain it. At such times 
Mr. Greene has resorted to me, as his last resource, to borrow money to sustain his paper, 
and I have loaned it to him, without security, and without interest, one or two hundred 
dollars at a time, and for months together, out of my funds in the bank, to meet the cur- 
rent expenses of my family." 

To this Mr. Greene replies. "Equally false is his assertion, "I 
have loaned to him, without security, and without interest, one or two 
hundred dollars at a time and for months together." He never did 
any such thing. Once only he loaned us $150, for which I gave 
him my note for $152, which note he took the cash for, at the North 
Bank, where it was paid at its maturity." 

If I understand all the parts of this denial, Mr. Greene admits that 
I once loaned him .^150, without security, and for months together, 
but denies I loaned him any other money, or that this was without in- 
terest ; and further the denial contains an assertion, that when I 
loaned him $150, he gave me a note to get discounted, for $152, so 
that in fact my loan was nothing but an endorsement of his note. 

In regard to this being the only loan of money, Mr. Greene's as- 
sertion does not render the fact, in my judgment, any more probable. 
I have been often asked to lend money, in very difficult times, by va- 
rious persons, many of whom I have accommodated. They ordinarily 
give me in return a due bill, or memorandum check, for the same 
amount. My books show no record of such transactions. When the 
money is returned,the memorandum check is taken up, and so no traces 
remain of the transaction but in the memory. My impression is very 
strong that I have made such loans to Mr. Nathaniel Greene, several 
times, and in this I think I cannot be mistaken. It is however of lit- 
tle importance, and I will waive it, and admit, for the sake of the ar- 
gument, that my impression is erroneous. / am never in the habit of 
taking interest or profit for such loans. Interest would be no compen- 
sation to me for the inconvenience of parting with funds, at such 
times, needed in the course of my family expenses. The sole motive 
is the accommodation of persons, much pressed for money, whom I 
wish to befriend — and I never willingly, allow such loans to assume the 
shape of business transactions. Upon this subject I will refer to one 
of the most bitter enemies I have ever had, to one of the most malig- 
nant of the Statesman party, Mr. John K. Simpson — a man than 
whom society does not contain another whom I despise more heartily 
— or of whose heart and political principles I have a more unfavorable 
opinion. He has borrowed of me " hundreds of dollars" at a time, 
and" for months together," in times of pressure, on his memorandum 
check. Let him say, if he dare, that it is not my practice not to re- 



12 

ceive interest for such loans. But Mr. Nathaniel Greene says, in re- 
gard to the borrowed money in question, he gave me for $150, his 
note for r"5>l52. The circumstances of this loan, in general, I well re- 
n^ember. I was holding the court, in a time of great pecuniary pres- 
sure, when Mr. Nathaniel Greene came in, and wished me to lend him 
^150. Ho was driven for the money, even his friend Henshaw could 
not command it for him, and I was his only hope. I told him I had 
the money in the bank, should need to use it in eight or ten days, but if 
the loan for that time would accommodate him, he should have it. He 
replied that I might rely on its being refunded punctually. For this 
he gave me his own memorandum check or due bill for the smne 
amount. But this money was not returned for many weeks — I think 
some months. At the end of that period, Mr. Greene, not being able 
to procure the money, asked me to endorse his note, to obtain a dis- 
count from the bank, thus to repay me the loan. I consented to this, 
and endorsed the note in question for $152. If Mr. N. Greene's books 
contain a record of such transactions, and he preserves the due bills, 
and memorandum checks he thus gives and takes up, and he will give 
me access to them, I will undertake, under any responsibility, to 
prove the correctness of this statement. These transactions frequent- 
ly occur in the midst of other business, and without attracting, at the 
time, any thing but a hurried notice. I will not say but this note may 
have included interest on this loan. If it did, it may show Mr. N. 
Greene meant honestly ; but how far it was a compensation to me, as 
a business transaction, I will leave to others to determine. For ten 
times the amount of interest, I would not have loaned him the money. 
Twenty dollars, instead of two, would have afforded me no temptation 
for so much personal inconvenience. A professed money lender, 
would not, at such a time have loaned the amount on such security, 
for twenty times two dollars. If Mr. Greene paid me interest, I will 
not say he did not intend well ; but how far it was honorable to give 
to such a loan the air of a business transaction, let men who 
lend money sometimes to accommodate their friends, and not to shave 
notes, determine. Had Mr. Greene returned the money he borrowed, 
and offered me two dollars for the use of it, neither he nor I would 
have been troubled with this part of the controversy. His putting it 
into a note to be discounted, long after the money was loaned, would 
not attract attention, as generally, the amount discounted on a note is 
short of the face of it. But if he had returned the money, the North 
Bank books, in this, any more than in other cases, would contain no 
record ofthe transaction, in the shape of discounted notes. 

The length of this reply already compels me to defer the further 
consideration of this subject to another number. 

HENRY ORNE. 

p. S. Since vviiting tlie above il lias occurred to me that although neither my books, 
nor those of the North Bank, would aflord any traces of such loans, yet it was possible 
that I might find some old checks, for the ^150, and other loans of money. This might 



13 

well happen, when the money lent was not drawn from the pocket book, but from a deposit 
in the bank. Accordingly I looked over one parcel of such checks, which happened fortiv- 
nately, not to have boen destroyed, and found the followign. 

July 27th, 1826. 
Check to True & Greene, for - - - $55 00 
May 29th, 1827. 
Do. to True & Greene, ... 100 00 

March 13th, 1828. 
Do. to True & Greene, .... 150 00 

"He never made us any such loans. Once only, he loaned us, &c. Nathaniel 
Greene. 

I find by a reference to the books of the North Bank, tha note made by True and 
Greene, to pay the last loan of!fpl50, March 13, 1828, and the amount of the discount de- 
ducted from the face of the note. 

Annexed is the statement of the cashier of the North Bank, as handed to Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene, a part of which, it seems he chose not to publish. H. O. 

« True & Greene, ) July 21st, 1821, 6 mo. 794 41 
Henry Orne. < 6 mo. int. 24 22 

818 63 

Renewed January 22, 1827, 60 days, ... 700 00 

March 26, 1827, 57 " - - - - 600 00 

May 24, 1827, 61 « .... 500 00 

July 26, 1827, 6 mos. .... 500 00 

January 28, 1828, 6 " - - - - 500 00 

This last note paid August 2, 1828. 

True & Greene, ) Disc. May, 15, 1828, due June 
Henry Orne. 5 3, 1828, - - - 152 00 

True & Greene, 1 

David Henshaw V June 13, 1828, 60 days, 300 00." 

Henry Orne. J 

Mr. Greene's motive for omitting the two last items of the Cashier's 
statement, I do not pretend to judge of. 

The cashier further endorses the statement as follows. 

" The following checks drawn by H. Orne, in favor of True & Greene, were presented 
and paid at the Bank on the day of their dates : 

July 27, 1826, $-55. 

May, 29,1827, 100. 

March, 13,1828, 150." 



The second number proceeds as follows : — 
In my last number, I compared the facts adduced by Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene in support of his statement, with those alleged by me in my 
first letter to Duff Green, and shew, I apprehend conclusively, that in 
no single respect was there any error in my statement, except in the 
amount paid me for my services in establishing and editing the States- 
man, during the first year of its existence, 1821. This amount I was 
compelled to state, as well as I was able, from memory, the indentures 
between True, Weston and Green and myself, being in their posses- 
sion. That error was in stating that compensation to be $300, instead 
of 5^350, making the amount received for services to the Statesman^ 
included in the note of July 21st, 1026, for $818 63 cents, $50 more 



14 

than the amount I stated from recollection — an error, obviously, 
having no important bearing on this controversy. 

Yet this statement in my first letter to DufF Green, Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene has termed, " grossly erroneoits,^'' " totally false without the least 
shadow of foundation^'''' " unqualifiedly false'''' ; and my conduct in rela- 
tion to him, in a pecuniary point of view, such ^^Javors as it would have 
been for the interest of any shrewd Shylock " to have shown. 

The first question which naturally arises is, what part of these tran- 
sactions, if they were not dictated by a spirit of liberality, is deserving 
oi censure and reproach ? Let it be remembered that I never made a 
boast of my liberality. I was reproached with extortion, persecution, 
sharp and unmanly bargaining — using my claims as a creditor for pur- 
poses of oppressing and ruining Mr. Greene and the Statesman news- 
paper. Such charges were boldly and repeatedly urged to the gov- 
ernment of the U. States, to injure me in their estimation. They have 
been long reiterated in a thousand shapes in Boston, and virtually cir- 
culated in every part of the Union, where I am not, as well as where 
I am known. These money transactions have been brought up against 
me, and made the subject of deep, long continued reproach, and in- 
dignant denunciation. It is nothing to say that Mr. Greene is under 
no obligation to me, for my pecuniary connection with his paper — I 
made no boast of any, nor any complaint on the subject. But what is 
there disgracefid, what is there sharp, oppressive, extortionate — grind- 
ing, screwing, cutting, like Shylock, the very flesh, for money ? Mr. 
Greene admits that long before the Statesman was published, or he 
had any connection with me, or ever knew me, I was a creditor of 
True & Weston, and that " when he became connected with them, 
they owed me $350, payable at four different periods, the three last 
instalments of which became due in Oct. 18!21," and were in a course 
of being settled, as the sum of $350 had become reduced to " $250 at 
the time when True and Greene became, as they say, sole proprie- 
tors" of the Statesman. Mr. Greene admits that though the last in- 
stalment became due in October, 1821, yet in point of fact, I waited 
from that time, for $250, until July 21st, 1826, when the note for 
$818 63 cents was discounted at the North Bank — without being paid 
or asking to be paid, one cent of the amount, principal or interest. 
Mr. Greene also admits that the $350, payable to me for my services 
to the Statesman, became due, one half within six months, and the 
balance within twelve months from the first publication of the States- 
man, in 1820, or 1821 — and that I waited also for this amount, with- 
out asking to be paid, until July 21st, 1826. If this were not liberal, 
what is there in it oppressive, and extortionate ? Mr. Greene also ad- 
mits that at a time when he was severely pressed for money, I loaned 
him, on his naked worthless security, $150, out of my private funds for 
my family use, at a time of a general pecuniary pressure, when he had 
no other means of obtaining relief. If Mr. Greene finds nothing in 
this conduct to be grateful for, and I never asked for, or expected his 
gratitude, what does he find that is a proper subject of reproach — Jew 



15 

like — Shylock like — exacting the penalty of the bond, out of his very 
flesh and blood ? 

Admitting that the debt due me from True and Weston, " was for 
my wriiing in the Yankee," which Mr. True, (poor old gentleman) 
has been weak enough to certify, contrary to the truth, as I shall make 
it appear, and which Mr. Greene says was for my " editorial services"; 
— admitting that I had agreed to wait, on account of True and Wes- 
ton's misfortunes by fire, as Mr. Greene says, " with the understand- 
ing that the sum was not to be paid until it could be met ivithout incon- 
venience to the promisors ;" — admitting I had a similar understanding 
to wait for the ^350 due me for my services in the Statesman ; — ad- 
mitting that a claim for editorial services is a worthless kind of claim, 
however low be the rate of compensation, or great the amount of la- 
bor, or capable the services — far inferior to one for mechanical aid — 
that it is very far from meriting prompt payment, even to a young man 
with a family, commencing a profession in which he must encounter a 
most formidable competition, dependent alone on his personal exer- 
tions, and these very editorial labors being an important part of that 
dependance — admitting all this, and any thing else I can be asked to 
admit, still, I must repeat my question, what is there Shylock like, and 
oppressive of Mr. Nathaniel Greene? Admitting as Mr. Nath'l. Greene 
says, that " True and Weston lost every cent of property they possess- 
ed, consisting of printing materials and stock to the amount of;^10,000f 
together with all their books and papers, by the calamitous fire in State 
street," — admitting that " they were soon enabled to recommence busi- 
ness on a smaller scale, their creditors, Jcind friends , generally evinc- 
ing a willingness to wait upon them until they could, by honest indus- 
try, earn money to pay the various demands against them — admitting all 
this, and any thing else, equally untrue, which may be desired, still the 
question recurs, why was " Col. Orne such a kind fnend in profession^ 
but certainly, in that time of calamity, not found one in practiceV^ If 
other creditors agreed, most liberally, to wait, until True and Weston 
could, by honest industry, earn money to pay the demands, did not I 
too, Mr. Greene, as you state it, have an '■'^understanding that my de- 
mand was not to be paid, until it coidd be met without inconveni- 
ence to the promisors ? Or as you afterwards state it, " ivith a like 
understanding, that the time of payment should depend on their 
SUCCESS IN business ?" If other creditors waited, did not I too wait, 
from the time of the loss, or, as you state it, from October 1821, when 
the amount became due, until July 21st, 1826, at least 1 Did other 
creditors wait longer, and if their conduct was kind, why was mine 
othenoise, in that time of " calamity .^" I would not boast of such con- 
duct, Mr. Greene, but what was there reproachful, to me, in it ? 

[Col. Orne then proceeds to show conclusively, that Mr. Benjamin 
True, who signed one of the certificates, could know nothing of the 
motives of Col. Orne and others in establishing the Statesman, Af- 
terwards he "ives an extract from the indentures between himself and 



16 

True and Greene, by which it appears, confirming his statement, and 
giving to Mr. Greene a plain and marked falsehood, that the States- 
man was established to be under Col. Orne's editorial direction ; Mr. 
Nathaniel Greene, being as he was to be, only the printer. It is dated 
October 21, 1821, and is as follows.] 

"The said True & Greene shall p'ini and publish the said paper," 
(the American Statesman.) 

" No original articles shall be inserted in said paper, during that pe- 
riod, (up to February 1st 1822,) unless by the approbation of both the 
said Greene, and the said Orne, when they are present in town, and 
able to express such approbation, or in case of the absence or inability 
of either the said Greene or Orne, then the one present and able as 
above, shall have the sole control of the editorial department of the 
said paper — And no article shall be republished from any other paper, 
against the consent of either the said Greene or Orne." 

" The other subscriber, Henry Orne of said Boston, Attorney at 
law, supplies the orioinal writing in the editorial department, and has 
agreed further to write for the same until the first day of February 
next."— (1822.) 

These extracts are sufficient to show, at least during the first year, 
who was to be the editor of the paper. AH the original articles of the 
editorial department were to be supplied by me, while I also was to 
have a negative on every thing else which should be offered for the pa- 
per. Mr. Greene was not to write for it, but to have only a negative 
on such matter as should be offered for publication — except only in 
case of my sickness or absence, when the temporary charge of the edi- 
torial department was to devolve on him. That the person represent- 
ing the majority of the proprietors should have a negative voice on the 
course of the paper, is perfectly consistent with his character as a 
printer and proprietor, and as small an authority as could well be re- 
served. 

The only question, therefore, which remains, is whether this were 
to be a temporary connexion, or otherwise. The clauses are suffi- 
ciently explicit on that subject. 

" At the expiration of the term above mentioned, the subscription list of the said paper, 
or the right of publishing the same, and supplying the subscribers thereof shall one fourth 
be the property of the said Orne, and the remaining three fourths tiie property jointly of 
the said True and Greene, who, together with the said Orne, shall then be at liberty to 
make a further agreement between themselves, for the further publication, if they can 
a^ree. If they cannot agree, the right of the said paper shall be appraised by three refer- 
ees, one to be chosen by the said True and Greene one by the said Orne, and the third 
by the other two, who shall fix a value upon the same, which shall be paid by the parly 
who in willing to continue the publication of the same, to the party who is desirous of 
withdrawing from the sa?ne, in proportion to his interest. And if both parties are desi- 
rous of continuing the ])ublication, the right shall be sold, to any person who will give 
the most for the same, and the proceeds divided among all the parties according to their in- 
terest." 

Now Mr. Greene you had better get your friends to certify, that you 
w ere to be the real editor, and that I was employed as a temporary as- 
sisianl to you, on account of your ignorance of local polities. Perhaps 



17 

you may write another certificate for Mr. True, and get the weak old 
gentleman to sign it, stating that " it was your high reputation as an ed- 
i/or," wliich procured your connexion with the Statesman, and that you 
were not wanted as a mere printer. Get your friends Henshavv and 
Simpson to swear, Mr. Greene, tor it must be strong oatiis, which 
can gain credit against grave documents. Mr. Greene contem- 
plated as the editor of the Statesman, and my connexion with it 
viewed as subordinate and auxihary to him ! My small interest 
alone, was made equal to all the others, for the perpetual conduct 
of the paper, even to its very sale. No man could write an arti- 
cle for the paper but me, nor publish one without my consent — and all 
the other proprietors together could not publish the paper, if I wished 
10 continue its editor, without my permission ! 
Get a iew more certificates, Mr. Greene. 

[The next subject Col. Orne considers, is a debt due him from True 
and Weston ; but which being previous to Mr. Nathaniel Greene's 
becoming a partner with them, is most strangely introduced into this 
controversy. His remarks, after quoting Mr. True's statement, con- 
clude his second number. The statement of True, and Col Orne's re- 
marks are as follows.] 

" At the lime our connexion wiih Mr. Greene was formed. True and Weston were in- 
debted to Henry Orne for writing in the Yabkee, in the sum of $'350, which was 
secured by four notes of hand for ^'87 50 cents each." 

I have before stated that I had been a proprietor of the Yankee, 
for which I paid ^600 ; ^500 of which I borrowed from a friend for 
that purpose. This was in 1815. This fact not having been denied, 
proof is not adduced, although it can readily be furnished at any time. 
About May 1813, Mr. Thomas Rowe the proprietor of the remaining 
property in the Yankee, sold his interest to True and Weston, the for- 
mer a journeyman I believe in his employ, the latter an appi entice. 
Mr. Rowe had been, before, under a contract to pay me ^500 a year, 
for my services, and share in the profits, the agreement for which I 
have also on hand, which can be referred to, but which it is unneces- 
sary to [lublish. Previous to that time it was contemplated to publish 
a semi-weekly paper, in w hich event, if I chose to sell him my inter- 
est, and not otherwise, he was bound to pay me ^500 for my interest 
in the Yankee. After True and Weston became the purchasers, I 
continued to edit the paper a year, and then wished to be paid $500, 
for my services, and my share in the profits. This they declined, 
stating that there were no profits. We referred the whole subject to refer- 
ees, one chosen by me, Benjamin Rand, Esq. and the other by them, 
who Mr. Rand thinks, but is net certain, was Mr. David Henshaw, but 
I do not recollect who it was. These referees awarded me for my in- 
terest in the paper ^ and my services as editor, about, as nearly as I can 
recollect, (and Mr. True informs me that his recollection is the same) 
^800. This amount was in full for all my interest in the paper, pro- 
prietory, profits and editorial services — the whole of my right being 
3 



18 

then transferred to True and Weston. Let it be remembered that I 
had paid a corisideruble sum of money for my part. Deduct that 
amount and the interest on the amount for a year, and it will leave of 
the |)800, for editing the Yankee; the fruit of my labors and responsi- 
bility, for a year, a very small sum. How then is it possible for a man, 
with any veracity, to state that in October 1819, Messrs. True and 
Westoii were indebted to Uie ^3cO iV-r "■ writimg i(i //le Yanlcee.''^ It 
would be V. eil lur Mr. True to read a certiiicate, at lca»t, before he 
signs it. 

To pay (his amount in instalments, True and V/estcn were allowed 
upwards oi' two years ; to wit, from May 1st 1319, when the year end- 
ed, until October 2Isl 1821. Mr. True states that these instalments 
were f,21 50 cents each, payable quarterly. They vere all dated 
October 'il'^t 1819, as Mr. True fiirtlier states. My imprecision how- 
ever is that originally they were notes for ^100, which, payable quar- 
terly, in two years, would have made the amount of ^800, and it is 
my impression, that alter True and Weston's loss bv the " calamitous " 
fire, I o;ave up one eie;hth of the amount of each note then unpaid, 
taking them for ^87,50 cents each, instead of ^100, bearing the same 
date. I felt so much coniidence in ihii impression, that i have at- 
tempted, recently, to procure from Mr. True all the evidence he has 
on the subject ; but bethinks I gave him up only the iniertsl on some 
of the notes. As I can find no papers relating to the transaction, I 
will not be too positive of this fact, nor v/ish it to be so understood ; 
but the impression on my mind is very strong to that effect. As, out 
of the this lurid, I had to return my ^500, borrowed money and inter- 
est, the balance, if I am correct in my impression, remaining for my 
editorial services would be small indeed. And v.hen it is considered 
that I was then young in my pro.'ession, dependant, with a faniily, on 
my own efforts alone, my conduct to True and Weston, in the hour of 
their "c«/«Hi?7y," was certainly " unkind''^ in the extreme ! 

But there is another false assertion by Mr. Nathaniel Greene, in 
connexion with this subject, which I deem proper to notice. It is in 
the following words. 

" True and Weston lost every cent of property they possessed, consisting of printing 
materials and stock to ihe amount of IjjilOjOOO together with all their books and papers, by 
the calamitous fire in State Street." 

They lost ,^10,000, did they, Mr. Greene ? How there came to be 
^10,000 worth of property in a printing oflice, owned by two men, one 
a short time before as 1 think, a journeyman in it, the other an ap- 
prentice, to print a newspaper once a week, may not very readily ap- 
pear. You may bring forward as many certificates to prove it, Mr. 
Greene, as you can find knaves or simple people to sign them ; but it 
requires much stronger evidence than certificates to make me, or pro- 
bably the public, believe it. At any rate, one thing is certain, what- 
ever amount of property was burnt up, it was not all lost, by True and 
Weston. The fact that they had an insurance for $3000, was known 



19 

to me. From the books of the Insurance ofiice of which Nathaniel G. 
Snelling, Esq. is president, I have made the following abstract. 

"policy to True and Weston, commrtncin? April 17, 1819, for one y»ar, .'$3000, on 
the tvpc and printing apparntiis in their oftico, No, 78, State Street, Boston. 

*• Paid to the order, or assignee of True ami VVesion, March 1st, 1320, ^3000 in full 
for a total loss of said projiorty, de.Uroyod by fire on the nurniiig of the 26ih of January, 
1S20." 

If they had <^10,099 at risk, and owed for it, it is a little strange 
such prudent men did not get a larger sum insured. My own impres- 
sion always was, most certainly, thnt True and Weston never lost, in 
the end, a dollar by that fire. They had a large subscription made up 
for them ; by charitable societies, and religious communities, and it 
would not surprise me at all, Mr. Greene, if it should appear, when 
the facts are all stated, that I was the largest sufferer by that lire, in 
the ainount I gave them up of their debt to me. Let that amount be 
what it was, I think it was larger than any loss by True and Weston. 
I am ratber sceptical, Mr. Greene, on this subject ; at least one thing 
is certain, that although Mr. Equality ^Veston was, a year or two be- 
fore, an apprentice, and brought into the ofiice little (>r no funds of his 
own, yet, when the Statesman was established, Mr, Nathaniel Greene 
was to pay True and Weston, " seventeen hundred dollars " for one 
i'lird of the interest, as one of Mr. Greene's certifiers states — and that 
Mr. EqiiaHty Weston, after two or three years labor in printing a pa- 
per which yielded no profits, notwithstanding this " calamitous fire," 
was able to retire from the business, and support himself while beinnf 
educated to become a minister of the gospel. What a dreadful ca- 
lamity to Mr. Equality Weston ! HENiiY OUNE. 



[The third number commences as follows.] 

The next unfounded assertion of Mr. Nathaniel Greene, " and his 
nineteen editors,'''' is in relation to another statement of mine in my let- 
ter to Duff Green. My assertion was as follows. 

" When Mr. Greene was invited to take a part in the Statesman, it was agreed that he 
should purchase a part of True and Weston's establishment, and a part of the purchase 
money was appropriated to take up the note which I held against them. Mr. Greene, 
however, not having much capital of his own, asked me to loan him the amount, and I 
loaned to hhn. When I ceased to be the editor of the Statesman, True and Greene 
o-ave me a neio note for the sum so loaned (o Mr. Peter Greene, to which was also add- 
ed the sum of three hundred, (it should have bL-en three hundred SiiiAJift'j) dollars, for my 
editorial services as before mentioned." 

In relation to this assertion of mine, Mr. Greene made the follow- 
ing. 

" This parairraph, from beginning to end, with the exception that I did purchase a part 
of True and VVeslon's eulablish.'nctit, is totally false, and without the least shadow 

or FQUMJAllON." 



20 



And also this. 



" No part of my purchase money was so appropriated — no such loan was ever asiked or 
received — nor was any such note given to Coi. Orne when he ceased to edit or wrhe for 
the Statesman." 

[Col. Orne proceeds to demonstrate, and that, too, from the account 
furnished by Mr. Greene, himself; that his statement on the subject 
is true, while that of Mr. Greene is palpably false. That he loaned 
Mr. Greene the money due him from True and Weston, when Mr. 
Greene became a partner, appears, because the sum due was not paid 
at, or soon after its maturity, as the previous instalments of True and 
Weston had been, because the day after it became due, Mr. Greene 
and his new partner gave their note for it, because the former debt- 
ors were discharged, and because Col. Orne continued it in Mr. 
Greene's hands more than Jive years after it became due. The fact 
appears in terms in Mr. Greene's own account, as follows. 

" To note of October 22, 1S21, for True 4ND Weston's notes, ^264." 

The next subject to which Col. Orne replies, is the following asser- 
tion of Mr. Greene, which we publish with some of the comments on it.] 

" Col. Orne violated his promise to me, by sufFering the note (for ^861,63 cents) to be 
«ut down ^'100 at three successive renewals, when, as a director, by speaking one word, he 
mightjhave had it renewed lor the original sum." 

You astonish me, Mr. Greene ! Could I really, as a director in a 
bank, borrow for you eight or nine hundred dollars } Perhaps, and 
very probably, I might have borrowed for you eight or nine thousand. 
But what obligation was I under to do either ? Had not True and 
Weston earned enough by their " honest industry," to pay me in the 
year 1827, a debt due before and by Oct. 21st, 1821 .? Had I not 
waited long enough for that .'' And of the ^350 due me, as you state, 
by True and Greene, one half in August, 1821, and the other in Feb- 
ruary, 1822, was it not waiting pretty well, to forego the payment of 
principal or interest until 1827 } If I could have done it, why should 
I have done .'' Was it in consideration of your grateful acknoivledge- 
menls of the kindness — of having your paper, when the result of a long 
political contest was obtained, used as an engine of hostility by my 
enemies .'' " Violated my promise to you .'" Where is the evidence, of 
any such promise ^ It is the assertion of Mr. Nathaniel Greene ! So 
far from making a promise to renew that note, I was expressly told by 
Mr. Greene, that he expected to receive " some thousand dollars," 
from the legislature, general post-oflice, or some other source of his 
extensive patronage, before it became due, when the whole amount 
should be paid ; at any rate, he should never wish me to endorse for 
him a greater amount than |ioOO. The renewals of the note of ^818, 
63 cents were made at his own solicitation at the bank, and for the 
amounts probably, that he requested. The only agency I had in the 
matter was to endorse such notes as were brought me for the amounts 
they contained. 



21 

(A-) I 

In connexion with this subject I have thought it proper, since writing theabove, to 
«xamine with thei'Cashier the application for renewals, in the books of (he North 
Bank, and find the following results. 

When the note for July 21st, 1S26 became due, it was renewed for ^700 — and it 
"does not appear that its renewal for any larger amount was even asked for ! 

When the last note became due, application was made for its renewal for ^600,. 
•and it was renewed /or that amount ! 

And when this became due, application was made for renewal for $500, and it 
was accordingly done ! 

Here then, it seems by the books, that Mr. Greene got his note received, in every 
instance, for the sums he requested .' 

And yet, 

" By it (the cashier's statement) we learn that Colonel Orne violated his promise tome 
bv suffering the note to be cut down one hundred dollars at three successive renewals, 
when as a director by speaking one word, he might have had it renewed for the original 
sum. Nathaniel Greene " ! ! ! 

The term for which each note was renewed, also, implies some confirmation of 
my statement. 

The first renewal of the !fi!818, 63 cents note, was only for 60 days. 

The second, of the ^700 note, was for 57 days. 

The third, ^600 note for 61 days- 
While both renewals of the $500 note, were for six months ! 

This looks a little like an original intention of having the $318 63 cents note re- 
newed, according to my statement, for only $500, as the amount is rapidly reduced 
until that sum is reached, and then it remains there for 07ie year ! 

In further connexion with this subject, I would state the board of directors of the 
North Bank are ready to certify if necessary, that although True & Greene were'not 
customers of the bank, they received as much accommodation out of favor to me, as 
the customers themselves did, and as much, as by the rule of proceeding, adopted by 
the board, they could with propriety have had extended towards them, even if they 
had been customers. H. O. 

[The next subject of Mr. Greene's statement noticed by Col. Orne, 
is that where Mr. Greene ?ays, " Col. Orne meanly sought to destroy 
his credit, and break up his establishment in his absence."] 

[To this Col. Orne subjoins.] 

It is impossible to imagine a charge at once more false in its char- 
acter, and diabolical in its motive than this. Mr. Greene 

" Was urged by the Jackson committee to travel through the stale for the purpose of 
effecting a general organization of the Jackson party !" 

Mr Greene went "through the state," and into Maine, and New 
Hampshire, and Rhode Island, to obtain subscribers to his paP^^'i and 
the friends of Gen. Jackson were asked to subscribe funds to pay his 
expenses which many of them did, and among others Dr. Inwalis. I 
suppose the Jackson Committee wished him to organize Mai"^ and 
New Hampshire, and Rhode Island too ! Travelling for such an ob- 
ject, he might have been instructed to request (and strange if he did 
not, at that late period,) an organization of, or rather a spirited eflbrt 
by the party. 



Before he went 

" Col. Orne bade him give himself no trouble or anxiety about the note, and gave him 
his solemn promise, that if he would sign a new note, and leave it with his clerk, he Col. 
Orne, would endorse it as usual, and see that it was renewed." 

Endorsr it as usual ! Why, Mr. Greene, I thought Col. Orne 
NEVER endorsed your notes, except once after David ITenshaw f I 
thought Col. Orne's assertion that he was an endorser on your note 
up to the very moment of the estahlishment of the Jackson Republi- 
can, "was false." And yet this very note, becoming due August 1st, 
1828, the very moment of the establishment of the Jackson Republican, 
you asked me, and I promised to endorse, as tisual ! What a prodigy 
of veracity and consistency is our printer-post-master ! 

My refusal to endorse further his note, and all the circumstances 
attending it, were known only to myself, and Mr. Greene's clerk, Mr. 
John Redman, Jr. whose statement in his own words, I now give. 

Boston, September 28, 1829. 
I the subscriber, John Redman Jr., wont into the employment of True and Greene, the 
publishers of the {'Statesman, about April 26th 18.28, as a Clerk, and remained with them 
until July 1829. On or about August, 1828, a note signed by True & Greene, and en- 
dorsed by H. Orne, became due at the North Bank. Mr. Greene was then absent from 
the city. On receiving at the cour.ting room a notification from the bank to pay this note, 
Mr. True signed a note for !g!500. Before Mr. Greene left the city, I laid before him a 
list of the notes which would probably become due during his absence, and when we came 
to the North Bank note fir ;J500, Mr. Greene remarked that that note would be renewed 
again. I asked him if Judge Orne had consented to endorse the note again ; he replied 
that he had made the arrangement at the bank, and he had an arrangement with Judge 
Orne who would of course endorse it. Those were all the instructions he gave me on the 
subject. On receiving the notification from the bank, I proceeded with the note, signed 
by Mr. True, to Judge Orne, and asked him to endorse it. I called at his office once or 
twice before I saw him. Judge Orne expressed to me much surprise at the request, and 
remarked that he should have thought that Mr. Hcnshaw, and Simpson, would have wish- 
ed to have got along without his assistance, as they were directly opposed to him, and do- 
ing all they could to injure him — that, to say the least of it, he thought it was very indeli- 
cate—that he had engaged or was about to engage for a new paper, and wanted for that 
purpose all the money and influence he could command. He however remarked that as 
Mr. Greene was out of town, he should regret to have any difficulty about the note — that 
if Mr. Ilenshavv or Simpson or Duulap would endorho it, he would endorse it also, and get 
it through the bank. I went first to Mr. Simpson and made the proposition, but he replied 
" I don't endorse notes — I don't endorse, but I will help you to get the note through the 
bank — if you wish for any endorsing, you must go to Mr. llenshaw." I acconlingly called 
on Mr. Henshavv, and he declined in toto, saying that I must state to Judge Orne, Mr. 
Greene was gone away, and if he did not endorse it, he must pay it — he further said I must 
go to Mr. Simpson, he was the man to make the arrangements. I then returned to Mr. 
Simpson, and he remarked with a great deal of coolness, ■'well let it lie over — if Col. Orne 
does not endorse it, he will have to pay it — you cannot help it." I returned to Judge Orne 
with their replies. He then remarked if I would get ]\Ir. Henshaw to say that when the 
note became due it should be taken up, so that lie should have no further trouble about it, 
he would endorse it, and get it throuah the bank, but did not wish Mr. Simpson's word, as 
he could not rely upon it. When Mr. Dunlap's name was mentioned as an endorser, 1 
replied that Mr. Dunlap was regarded as a fnend of the paper to wriie for it, but not to 
endorse. I saw Mr. Henshaw, and '-.e declined to give any such assurance as Judge Orne 
proposed, saying he wanted it endorsjd without any other conditions than the face of the 
note expressed. I carried this answer to Judge Cinie, and he replied, well, he could do 
nothing further about it. JOHN KEDiVIAN, Jk. 

In justice to Mr. Redman I would state that aitliough my recollec- 
tion differs in some respects from his, he appears to me to evince, not 



23 

only a most scrupulous and careful regard for the facts, but a com- 
mendable degree of intelligence. Every word in his statement he ap- 
peared carefully to weigh, and to consider scrupulously the import of 
every expression. His manner and iiitelli;;ence entitle him to the 
highest degree of credit. It was Mr. Redman alone who saw me on 
the subject, and who bore my declarations to the Statesman party, and 
theirs to me. With Mr. Nathaniel Greene, or any of his friends, I 
have never, since his application to me as a director of the bank, had 
one word of conversation on this subject. On the contrary, after Mr. 
Greene's return from his most valuable services in organiz'mg the parUj, 
I should have judged, from his manner to me, he felt rather contrition 
for the injustice of his own conduct, than any indignation at mine. 

The only important respect in which my recollection ditfers from Mr, 
Redman's, is one in which I have great confidence in my accuracy. 
When he brought me the note to endorse, I felt not only " surprise," 
but an indigt\ation I could scarcely suppress. It evinced a degree of 
impudence on the part of his employers which I would scarcely ascribe 
to any thing but an intention to insuU m^. It was the old story again, 
of Dr. Franklin, about paying for " heating the poker." The only no- 
tice I ought to have taken of the proposition was to kick it out of my 
office, which might probably have been the case had it not been brought 
by one who himself was entitled to much courtesy. 

If Mr. Greene himself had been the bearer, he would probably have 
received a proper answer. His absence presented the only claim fo 
my indulgence. It was on that account, and that account only, that I 
told his clerk that I would put my name on the note, after any respon- 
sible name of the friends of the Statesman. When, after much nego- 
ciation, this was absolutely declined, my last proposition to the clerk 
was, that I would endorse the note, and get it renewed once more, if 
either John K. Simpson, David Henshaw or Andrew Dunlap, would 
give him, the clerk, their simple word, that I should never again be 
troubled about the note, but it should be taken up at maturity. In this 
my recollection ditfers from Mr. Redman's, who thinks I refused to 
place so much contidence in the word of John K. Simpson. I own 1 
at first expressed my unwillingness to, but still determined at last on 
account of Mr. JVathanicl Greene's absence, to trust to such a poor reli- 
ance, and do more than perhaps any other man in the United States 
would have done, under similar circumstances. Andthi.s Mr. Nathaniel 
Greene says, was " an attempt to destroy his credit, and break up his 
establishment in his absence." 

But showing Mr. Greene's narrative of the circumstances to be false, 
is not the only answer to the accusation. Suppose the note had not 
been renewed, what was the consequence ? Why if the principal did 
not pay it, the endorser mu^t. Instead o( endorsing for Mr. Greene, I 
should have had to pay themoneij, that was all. Mr. Greene's credit ! 
Ha, ha. No man's credit suffers much when a note is paid at maturity 
by any party to it, and this was perfectly understood by Messrs. Hen- 



24 

shaw and Simpson, when they sent me back word that if I did not 
choose to endorse the note, I migh pay it — it was a matter very indif- 
ferent to them. For me to have endorsed the note, and supported a 
paper whose avowed object was my injury, was out of the question. I 
preferred paying; the money ; and refused to endorse the note with an 
unhesitating belief that I should have had to pay the money the next 
day. Who then would have been the sufferer, Mr. Greene's credit or 
my purse ? And this Mr. Greene calls " breaking up his establish- 
ment in his absence !" A more outrageous proposal was probably 
never before made to an injured man, and it is equalled only by the 
false, diabolical statement of it which Mr. Nathaniel Greene has so 
extensively made. 

Mr. Greene's denial that he has made complaints against me on this 
subject, in Washington, and that the notes I have endorsed for him 
were shown to the president in proof that I had been paid for writing in 
the Statesman, in regard to the presidential controversy, I shall notice 
on some future occasion. There will be probably, evidence enough 
to satisfy the public how far such an assertion is true. But enough of 
this. I have done, I hope forever, with my pecuniary connexions with 
True & Weston, and with True St Greene. My next subject will 
be the political part of Mr. Greene's statement — those tjeractows^certifi- 
cates. 

But before throwing from me forever this nauseating subject, a re- 
jflection occurs which I cannot, without difficulty fail to utter. Mr. 
Nathaniel Greene is post master of Boston. Mr. Barry the post master 
general, has reputation in the country as a man of elevated character. 
How can he suffer the reproach that must fasten on him, long and 
deeply, of continuing such a man as Nathaniel Greene in an office, but 
for him so respectable and important ? Why does he not, from a regard 
for his own honor, instantly, remove so degraded an incumbent .' Why 
should this great commercial city bear, any longer, this opprobium and 
disgrace .? HENRY ORNE. 



[In the next place Col. Orne notices the persons who have signed 
certificates about politics in Mr. Greene's statement, as follows.] 

Who Mr. Nathaniel Greene is, and the confidence to be placed in 
his veracity, I have already sufficiently, in other respects, considered. 
Mr. David Henshaw was my competitor, and a successful one, for the 
office he now holds, and one of the avowed authors of the charges. 
His credibility will be, by and by, the direct subject of consideration. 
But Mr. Samuel Jones, Dr. Theodore Dexter, and Mr. James Gooch, 
may not be quite so notorious in this conmiunity, and I shall give 
them a k\v words of introduction. Mr. Samuel Jones and Mr. James 
Gooch are two to whom Mr. David Henshaw has given appointments 
in the custom house — who hold their bread at Mr. Henshaw's will, 



25 

lana who must therefore be considered very indepmdenl witnesses in a 
controversy to which Mr. Henshaw is a party. They each, I believe, 
hold the office of an inspector. They may both, however, be consid- 
ered principals in the slander, as they were among those arranged to 
office while the Contest was yet pending, and dependent for their suc- 
cess on the result of the slanders against nie. 

Dr. Theodore Dexter, also, stands in the same relation. Ho was 
equally to be a partaker of tlie loaves and fishes, has been several 
times recommended by the same party, and although as yet unsuc- 
cessfully, to the president, who may perliaps begin to think that the 
important services of these men have been already almost sufhciently 
rewarded, yet, having by hid certificate reinforced his claim, there can 
be little doubt that his devotion to Mr. Ilenshaw has been promised, 
and will be rewarded with an office under him. And, certainly, he is 
well entitled to the wages of iniquity. May he be more satisfied with 
them, when they are obtained, than was his predecessor, Judas. 

Mr. Samuel Jones, until his appointment as inspector, kept, I am 
told, for I was never in it, a small grocer's shop, in which he sold va- 
l^ious little commodities to eat and drink, such as rum, pies, and other 
similar matters. In sharing the noble spoils of victory, Mr. Jones's 
pretensions were by no means of a very humble grade ; for he claimed, 
I am told, most stoutly, either the naval office, the surveyor's, or that 
of the Boston postmaster. His pretensions, in his own opinion, were 
so much superior to those of Mr. Nathaniel Greene, that he exclaims 
indignantly against his unmerited success, and hobbles about as in- 
spector, with undissembled dissatisfaction. Although Mr. Jones may 
hav3 signed his certificate, there is much reason, on the face of it, for 
thinking that somebody else prepared it for his hand. To show that I 
am not probably mistaken in this, I adduce the following literal copy 
of a letter, addressed by him to the president and directors of the 
North Bank, at its organization, a few years since, when Mr. Jones 
applied for the office of Teller, with a salary, I think, of ^300 a year, 
In the copy I have literally preserved the orthography of the original, 
with its capitals and punctuation. 

"Jentlenien 

Underst.nnding that you are 
Reciving proposals For Teller to the 
North BanU I Take the Liberty 
To Offer my Services for that 
Office and If Elected Siiall 
Indevour Faithfulij To Dischargd 
The Duiis of The Office 

I Have The honour &C 
Samuel Jones" 

No one, I think, can doubt, that with such qualifications, the States?- 
man party has really done great injustice to Mr. Jones, in not making 
him a naval officer, surveyor, or post master — and, certainly, the pay 
of ,^1095 a year, besides perquisites, is altogether inadequate to such 
expectations as lie must have formed, and for such political services as 
4 



26 

he probably rendered. Mr. Jones was for many years chairman of Ihe 
Slutesman counly and xvard committees. Surely it was very unpardon- 
able in me not to be anxious to be a member of the committee for one 
of the wards ! 

With Mr. James Gooch I have positively no acquaintance whatever. 
I do not recollect that I ever spoke with him more than once, and 
then simply to receive from him a notification that I was a member of 
the ward committee for ward No. 7, which Mr. Gooch left at my house, 
and for his trouble in bringing which I probably thanked him. This 
was previously to my ever attending a meeting of that famous commit- 
tee, and it certainly evinced my great want of taste in not wishing to 
meet with it more than once, especially with Mr. Samuel Jones for its 
chairman. 

Of Mr. Gooch's private character I know nothing. Information has 
been given to me which I do not wish to repeat ; but would rather re- 
fer it tb Mr. Henshaw, as being more interested in Mr. Gooch's ca- 
pacity to discharge the duties of the office to which Mr. Henshaw has 
appointed him. 

With Dr. Theodore Dexter, I have been somewhat better acquaint- 
ed. He is, to some extent or other, and in some way or other, engag- 
ed in the practice of medicine. His main business is, however, 1 be- 
lieve, keeping a small apothecary's shop, which he found it convenient 
to stock on credit, from the larger drug shop kept by Mr. David Hen- 
shaw, before he was appointed collector of this port, and which is still, 
I believe, kept by Mr. Henshaw's brothers. How far Dr. Dexter still 
continues dependent on this family for his stock in trade, I do not 
know, — nor that his sole reliance now is not on an appointment in the 
Custom-house. The independence of his testimony, therefore, I shall 
not call in question. I, too, had once done some service to Dr. Dex- 
ter, which subsequent events satisfied me was at least injudicious. I 
recommended him for, and perhaps had some weight in procuring for 
him the appointment by the city, of physician at Rainsford Island. 
For his conduct in that office, however, during the first year, charges 
were brought against him before the Common Council, and they de- 
clined to re-elect him. Moved by compassion for his poverty, and 
without the receipt or hope of a fee, I defended him with my profes- 
sional services against the charge, and thereby, although perhaps do- 
ing him no good, doing myself some injury. On this and some other 
occasions, iie probably has been at my office, and may once have 
seen Mr. Nathaniel Greene there, who, however, for several years 
past, was seldom there, except to borrow money. That Dr. Dexter 
should undertake to report and certify, what he pleases to call my pri- 
vate conversations, ought not to excite surprise after his being a mem- 
ber of the Statesman party. And yet his conduct does excite in me a 
little surprise. He never came to see me without speaking of the hos- 
tility felt towards me by the Statesman party, and of their pretending 
that my contempt for their conduct arose from indifference towards 
the support of Jackson ; of all which he spoke with all the indigna- 



21 

tion I have myself since manifested. Mr. Simpson's hostility to me, 
in particular, was one of his prevailing themes ; but, naturally unsus- 
picious, I did not credit it on his and many other persons' testimony, 
preferring to think they were all mistaken, rather than that a man who 
owed me nothing but kindness, should, in opposition to his own earnest 
assurances, be, in secret, striving ardently to traduce my character, 
and misrepresent my conduct. Dr. Dexter however, was as correct 
then, as he was undoubtedly honest. 1 could do him some favors 
then — Mr. Hensliaiv can now, and this excuse, sufficient for the incon 
sistencies of so many others, ought to be deemed, perhaps, sufficient 
for him.* 

Having thus alluded to the persons who have certified against me, I 
must refer to another number, the consideration of their testimony and 
of the further apparent circumstances under which it was given. 

HENRY OKNE. 



*At all events I would not wish to be very severe upon him, for he would probably ey- 
claim with another apothecary, " My poverty and not my will consented." 

N. B. A few weeks after the publication of the above, Dr. Theodore 
Dexter was actually appointed by Mr. David Henshaw, to a very lu- 
crative office in the Boston Custom House!!! 



In noticing the gentlemen who have thought it proper to give their 
certificates against me, I shall begin with Mr. David Henshaw, collect- 
or of the port of Boston. His official situation, at least, if there were 
no other reasons, entitles him to this preference ; but, in point of fact, 
he is obviously th"^ author of all the charges ; the others being his mere 
subordinates, and dependents — moving at his nod, and in any direction 
he indicates. I shall do it, also, because an answer to him is virtual- 
ly, one to all the others, and will render any peculiar notice of them 
a very easy, and very summary matter. 

I shall for the same reason, defer, also, until afterwards a notice of 
the extract from Old Republican, as published by the veracims Mr. 
Nathaniel Greene ; and my letter, as published in the Massachusetts 
Journal — the true bearing of both will be very easily understood after 
I have done with Mr. Henshaw. 

And in regard to his statement I have publicly asserted it to he false 
and pledged myself to prove it so, and now renew my pledge, and pro 
ceed to redeem it, under the consequence I have freely invoked, of 
having, if I fail, the charge of a falsehood fastened on me. And yet one 
may think this a very bold undertaking, in relation to what a man as- 
serts to have been a private confidential conversation, in his presence 
only, when no witness can be adduced to confront or confirm him. Mr, 
Henshaw, no doubt, calculated much on his security in this respect 
when he had the egregious folly to put his name to that certificate? 



28 

and though he was well aware the facts stated in it must be contradic- 
ted by me, and that, in this cominunity. generally, such a contradic- 
tion would he a suificient answer to any thing he might assert, yet he 
supposed the government would be induced to believe one of its own 
important officers — that members of the Jackson party, at a distance, 
who might not well know our respective standings where we were best 
known, might either believe him, or at least feel doubts on the sub- 
ject — and, in any event, the Duff Green presses all over the country 
would sui)port his statement, whether they believed it or not, unless 
falsehood were publicly fastened on it, which he flattered himself was 
morally impossible. 

The disproof of an alleged conversation, when no one was near to 
witness it, admits only of three species of testimony. In the nature 
of the case, unless the party making the assertion afterwards retracts 
it, no other contradiction but one of the three can arise. These are 
iirst, the contrary assertion of the other party — secondly, evidence that 
the sentiments attributed to such party are at war with his clear and 
manifest sentiments on all other occasions — to his obvious interest and 
policy — and to his conduct, — tiiirdly, evidence that the sentiments as- 
cribed by the party, making t!ie assertion, to himself, are at war with 
his own sentiments, policy and conduct, on other occasions. 

From all these sources I shall draw evidence, I trust, of the most sat- 
isfactory kind ,• and in regard to the first, shall give my most solemn, 
affirmation, under the highest sanction of an oath, that the certificate, 
signed by Mr. Henshaw, is essentially false. 

But before I proceed to the general character of my sentiments, 
and those of Mr. Henshaw, on the subject in question, I will consid- 
er, cursorily, the credit due to his own statement on the face of it, 
independent of any contradictory evidence. Mr. Henshaw was a com- 
petitor with me, for an oflice he has since obtained. One of the raairt 
grounds of opposition to me was the sentiments in relation to the elec- 
tion I was supposed to have uttered. It is abundantly manifest from 
his own publication that he in connexion with Mr. Nathaniel Greene, 
whose veracity I suppose is now no longer ^wes/ionat/e, was the author 
of the reports currently circulated against me on that subject. These 
reports had been denied by me in the boldest and most explicit manner, 
and the authority loudly called for and openly repudiated. Those who 
assisted in giving them currency, on his authority, were driven back 
upon him for support, and he was compelled to give countenance to 
his assertions, or bear the obvious consequences. He was, besides, 
deeply responsible to the government of the United States, whose con- 
duct had been mainly influenced by the information he had given them ; 
and not only his character, but the important office he held, were obvi- 
ously at stake. He was besides, deeply irritated by the exposure, on 
the part of Columbus and myself, of his own unworthy and disgraceful 
intrigues to obtain his appointment, sacrificing, in the pursuit of that 
object, the harmony of the Jackson party in this Commonwealth. 
These exposures had placed him in a light before this community, intol-' 



29 

erable to be borne, without some effort to vindicate himself. He was lit- 
erally smarting and writhing under the sharp and knotted lash of pub- 
lic censure, until he was able to endure the pain and disgrace no lon- 
ger. It is impossible to imagine any one more connected with a sub- 
ject as a party than Mr. Henshaw was with these charges ; and his 
own testimony, therefore, upon all the common principles of evidence, 
would be subject to the highest degree of distrust and suspicion. 

But there is another consideration which must affect still more deep- 
ly Mr. Henshaw's credibility. By his own showing, he has violated, 
what he shows to have been, if it ever took place, not merely a con- 
fidential conversation, but one of the most sacred character, dictated 
alone by a friendly interest in his welfare, and designed for his pecu- 
liar benefit. 

" Col. Orne, (he says) said, he understood I had been selected as one of the committee 
of correspondence, and advised me not to serve. He said that if I took any part in favor 
of Gen. Jackson, it would destroy my influence and throw me out of the legislature." 

D. Henshaw. 

No motive is suggested for my holding such a conversation with 
him except what related to his own welfare, and yet that conversation, 
uttered under the sacred seal of secret and private confidence, he af- 
terwards discloses, without any provocation, with a view to my injury. 
I say without any provocation, for these sentiments were ascribed to 
me long before a division existed in the Jackson party, and were made 
the avowed cause of that division. This fact is very explicitly, 
though not very cautiously, or cunningly, admitted by "Anti-Janus ;" 
a writer, whoever he may be, who obviously comes forth under the 
sanction of Mr. Henshaw, and other similar leaders of the Statesman 
party. 

"At length the election of Mr. Stevenson as Speaker of the House took place, and 
ether thick coming indications warned this most cautious offence-men that it was time to 
jump off. 

" But his conduct during the time when his assistance was needed, and would have 
been welcomed, and the base and selfish calculations which had induced that conduct, 
caused him to be viewed every where loith coldness and disti'ust." Anti Janus. 

Anti- Janus does not affect to dissemble that the war was com- 
menced against me by what be calls treating me with " coldness and 
distrust ;" and after all the excitement, up to this moment, the only 
evidence adduced of my "base and selfish calculations'' and conduct, 
is a supposed conversation between me and Mr. Henshaw, and an- 
other of a similar character with his despicable tool, the veracious 
Nathaniel Greene. 

How far an avowed and unprovoked violation of private confidence 
affects a man's credibility, it may be useful, for a moment, to consid- 
er. The inviolability of private confidence rests alone on a sense of 
I honor. To violate such confidence evinces an absence of that feeling 
of honor on which it was reposed. And on what foundation rests a 
regard for truth, when not stated under a judicial or legal sanction, in- 
volving a liability to pains and penalties, in damages and indemnifica- 



30 

tions ? Is there any other security for veracity, in ordinary cases, 
than the same sense of honor ? And when a man shows himself to be 
destitute of it, what confidence can you place in his word ? Will not 
he who, without any justification, violates the confidence of a private 
communication, intended solely for his own benefit, and violates it too 
with a motive to injure the party who bestowed the confidence, — v/ill 
not he also, I ask, violate the truth ? And what claim does such a 
man's statement afford to credit, which discloses on the face of it the 
absence of a sense of honor, and the motives for making which are 
shown to be of the most interested, selfish, and revengeful character ? 
In this simple view of the subject alone, I think, 1 might leave the 
statement and conduct of Mr. Henshaw to the execration of all honor- 
able men. But I shall not let him off quite so easily. 

Having solemnly denied its truth, as I have done in the following 
affidavit — 

Boston, Nov. 5, 1829. 
I have carefully read the certificate signed by David Henshavi', dated September 23d, 
1829, and published in the Boston Statesman of September 26lh, 1829, and have given to 
the subject of that certificate very full and mature reflection ; and although I cannot pre- 
tend to recollect accurately the conversation to which it alludes, I am confident, beyond 
the possibility of a doubt that that certificate is essentially false. 

HENRY ORNE. 
Suffolk, ss. November 5, 1829. Then the above named Henry Orne, personally ap- 
peared and made solemn oath that the foregoing certificate by him subscribed, was just and 
true. 

Before me, WILLIAM KNAPP, 

Justice of the Peace. 

I shall now, in the first place, proceed to show what my sentiments 
and conduct were, on other occasions ; and, in the second, what were 
those of Mr. Henshaw. 

In regard to myself, I shall show what were my uniform opinions re- 
specting the support of Gen. Jackson, from the beginning of 1826, 
down to the establishment of the Jackson Republican, in August, 
1828, after which event, I suppose, the columns of that paper, in them- 
selves, will be sufficient evidence on the subject. I shall show what 
they were in the inmost and confidential recesses of my own family, 
where craft, and dissembling, and even caution itself, if they were 
practised any where, could not come. I shall show what they were in 
public, in my walks of business, by those most often about me, on all 
occasions when they were introduced, and in the presence of all de- 
scriptions of persons with whom, on such occasions, one comes in con- 
tact. I shall show what they were in the newspapers, open, in any 
degree, to the views of the party to which I belonged. I shall show 
what they were, abroad, in other parts of the United States, where my 
business or pursuits may have led me. I shall show what they were, 
in the presence of Gen. Jackson's friends, and in that of his most 
zealous and prominent opponents, by those v/ho knew me best in pri- 
vate life, and by those who knew me only on this subject, through the 
medium of public evects, or of the public opinion. It will then be 
made manifest whether or not the assertion of Columbus was true ; that 



31 

there is no man in this country from Maine to the Mississippi,— from 
the Atlantic to the remotest stage in the progress of our western pio- 
neers, whose course has been more open and decided than mine, or 
against whom the charges of afenceman might not, with as much pro- 
priety be advanced. 

In the first place, it was truly stated by Columbus, that as the cam- 
paign in favor of Mr. Crawford, during the previous contest, in this 
commonwealth, was begun by me, so was that also, in the last con- 
test, in favor of Gen. Jackson. The opposition to Mr. Adams, in- 
cluding not only Gen. Jackson's old friends, but those of Mr. Craw- 
ford, first regularly broke ground as a party, in relation to the Pana- 
ma mission, in the beginning of 1826. In this early and decided 
movement, on the part of the Crawford party, I took an open part, and 
published, in the Boston Statesman, under a signature sufficiently 
known ; that of Old Republican, five numbers on the subject, aver- 
aging between two and three columns each compactly printed. They 
are in the Statesman of the following dates, viz. March 28th, April 
13th, »5th, 17th, and 18th, 182G. It is in vain to do more than 
refer to those articles, as the republication of them is out of the 
question, and the numbers have not since, up to this moment, been 
seen by me ; but if there were an expression in them, at war with 
my statement, it would have been given, long since, by those who 
preserve files of that paper. More expHcit evidence of opposition 
to Mr. Adams' administration was not afforded by a single member 
of the party in the Congress of the U. States. This is the begin- 
ning of the very year, 182S, referred to by Mr. Henshaw and his 
associates, as the time of my trimming course, and unwillingness to 
encounter any responsibility, or incur any labor, on the presidential 
question. The contest was thus begun by me — But how was it begun 
on the part of the Statesman party ? That very spring of 1826, Mr. 
Henshaw, by an arrangement between the Statesman party, and the 
democratic supporters of Adams and Clay in this city, was chosen a 
senator in the state legislature, and shortly afterwards, Mr. Andrew 
Dunlap, and Mr. John K. Simpson, by a similar arrangement, were 
chosen representatives. I considered these arrangements very unfor- 
tunate for the national opposition party here, and as a virtual abandon- 
ment of that party, by these men. The proportion given to Crawford 
or Jackson men, as they were indiscriminately called, being so small 
as to annihilate any influence of the party. The ambition of the men 
might be gratified, but the cause was abandoned. These men controll- 
ed the course of the Statesman, and during the whole year, the course 
of the paper was almost neutralized, scarcely affording evidence that it 
felt even a lukewarm interest in the national struggle. Those who took 
a deep interest in that struggle were indignant, and none more so than 
myself The consequence vi'as, little or no connexion between me 
and the Statesman, for a long period afterwards. I seldom, if ever, 
went to the office, during that whole political year, and never, to my 



S2 

knowledge, conversed with Nathaniel Greene, unless when he applied 
to me for loans of money, or for the endorsement of his notes. My 
political intercourse, too, during the same time, with Mr. Henshaw, 
Mr. Simpson, and Mr. Dunlap, and others of that tribe, was altogether 
broken off, so that, probably, there was scarcely a man in Boston, not 
as competent as either of these, to speak of my political sentiments 
during that period. Of all the witnesses who could be brought for- 
ward, there could be none with so little knowledge as that possessed 
by these gentlemen, of my political views. 

It was not until the following political year, to wit, the spring of 
1827, that these Statesman leaders, then being thrown off by the Ad- 
ams and Clay party, began to give signs of any feeling on the presi- 
dential contest. Having little confidence in their firmness or fidelity, 
I felt, however, ready again to act with them, at that time, in the 
Jackson cause — on the principle that all members of a party, however 
dissimilar and discordant, must, to some extent, co-operate in that par- 
ty's measures. From the spring of 1827, until the winter of that year, 
every moment of my time, however, except that actually spent in official 
duties, was absorbed by a subject of domestic solicitude, from which 
neither politics nor professional business could one moment divert me. 
From my return from the Western country, about the 20th of Decem- 
ber, 1827, I was enabled to resume my attention to the national con- 
troversy, and took my usual prominent and zealous part. What was 
done between these periods, by the Statesman and its leaders, I can- 
not state ; but if any important movements were made, they are un- 
known to me up to this moment. Mr. Henshaw's certificate, there- 
fore, in regaid to my political course, proceeds from a man with the 
least possible knowledge of the subject about which he undertakes to 
certify. 

But what my sentiments really were during that period, and long be- 
fore, I shall now proceed to show ; and shall begin, first, with the cer- 
tificates of those acquainted with them in the closest recesses of pri- 
vate life. The number might be multiplied to embrace every indi- 
vidual who had the means of information ; but this cannot be necessa- 
ry. I shall begin with that of Mr. Samuel Ellis, who married the sis- 
ter of my wife, and was often a member of the domestic circle during 
the year 1826. 

Mr. Samuel Ellis'' Statement. 

I was acquainted with Col. Orne, during the year 1826, and well remember hearing' 
him converse on political subjects. In that year I often heard him express a decided pre- 
ference of Gen. Jackson over any candidate before the people. I have been often, almost 
daily, since that time in his society, and have never heard him express a preference for any 
other candidate. Nearly all my intimacy with him has been in the confidence and retire- 
ment of the domestic circle, on occasions when no motive could exist for dissembling his 
political views. There and abroad, I have ever considered him as an open, free, and de- 
cided Jackson man. SAMUEL ELLIS. 

October 30lh, 1829. 

Mr. Ellis was not in favor of Gen. Jackson for the presidency, but 



33 

was the only member of the numerous branches of the family of Wil- 
liam Little, Esq. who was not. 

The ne.xt is from Mr. John Brown, also my brother-in-law, a mer- 
chant of high standing in this city, among the boldest, most zealous, 
and earliest of Gen. Jackson's friends. He resided in the same fnnii- 
ly with me during the year 182G, when not out of the country. He 
left Boston for Cuba, and Europe, about the middle of January, 1827, 
and all my conversations witli him, or as I remember in his presence, 
unless at some public political meeting, on any political subject, was 
previous to that date. His knowledge of my sentiments must there- 
fore have been obtained from conversations during the year 1826, re- 
ferred to by Mr. Henshaw. 

Mr. Br(nrn''s Slalcme7it. 

In my conversations with Col. Orne previous to January, 1827, in regard to the candi- 
dates for the presidencv, I always considered him, prior to Mr. Adams' election, a Craw- 
ford mail. Soon after that election, he expressed to me his preference of Gen. Jackson, 
and from th.it time until I left the States, in January, 1827, he was free and open in ex- 
pressin;; preference of Gen. Jackson; nor do 1 recollect of ever hearing him speak in fa- 
vor of any other candidate. I am more confiiient as to his opinions at that time, from the 
fact that I found but few individuals who agreed with me in supporting Gen. Jackson. 
Subsequently to 1827, I was not so intimately acquainted with Col. Orne's poliiical vie^^s, 
but so far as I have known them, I have ever considered him as a decided Jackson man, 
and on that subject always expressed his sentiments free and openly. In fict, I know of 
no individual in the Jackson party, that the term "fence man" could be applied to with 
so little truth. JOHN BROWN. 

Boston, Nov. 3, 1829. 

With Gen. Boyd, I have been in the closest and most confidential 
habits of political intimacy for the last 14 years, and I am not con- 
scious that I had any political views that I ever concealed from him. 

Gen. Boyd's Statement. 

Ever since the presidency of Mr. Monroe, I have been in the habit of constant and 
confidential intercourse with Col. Orne. I have no reason to think, and never had, that 
he ever concealed from me his opinions, or any part of them, on the subject of politics. 
Until Mr. Adams was elected, he was in favor of Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Crawford only. 
For some months afier that event, he expressed a hope that Mr. Crawford would again be 
supported, and made no secret of his strong and zealous preference of that gentleman over 
all other candidates. In the early part of 1826, however, Col. Orne apfieared convinced, 
that Mr. Crawford's friends throughout the country had given up all hopes of his being 
president, and had evinced their determination not to revive his claims to the office. From 
that period. Gen. Jackson was the candidate of Col. Orne ; and never during all the time 
which has intervened, have I heard from him one syllable that denoted hesitation, waver- 
ing, or inconsistency. At all times, and in all places, where I have met him since, with 
few or with many, at the social fire side, or among strangers, whenever the subject has 
been alluded to, he has invariably been the open, decided and earnest advocate of Gen. 
Jackson's election. No man I ever saw, is more entirely free from that timidity and cau- 
tion which has given rise to the term " Fence-man." 

The latter part of the summer, and the autumn of 1826, Co! Orne with his family, re- 
sided at Mr. Davis's, on Jamaica plains. While there, I visited them regularly once or 
twice a week, and almost always conversed on politics. Mr. Davis was often present, 
and appeared to take an interest in the subject. I remember distinctly, beyond the possi- 
bility of mistake, that Gen. Jackson was the avowed candidate of Col. Orne at that time. 
I am not aware of his having taken part recently in state politics ; but no man of my ac- 
quaintance in this part of the country has shown a deeper interest than Col. Orne in na- 
tional polities, particularly in regard to the presidential election. 

JOHN P. BOYD. 

Oct. 51, 1829. 

5 



34 

The scene of my principal public duties, was the Police Court of 
this city. In that court room, and its adjacent offices, when no busi- 
ness was transacting, conversations frequently took place on political 
subjects between the members of the court and its officers, and with 
gentlemen who might be occasionally there. Scarcely one of the 
number were in favor of Gen. Jackson but myself, which threw on me, 
of course, the main part of one side of the discussions. From the cer- 
tificate of William Knapp, Esq. one of the clerks of that court, one of 
the magistrates of the city, and a young gentleman of great openness, 
high sense of honor, and integrity of character, it will be seen what 
those sentiments usually were. 

Mr. Knapp''s Statement. 

In regard to the communication published by Col. Orne in the " Massachusetts Jour- 
nal " in July, 1827, I am well acquainted vvitli the circumstances which led to it. Hav- 
ing read an article in that paper, about that time, charging Col. Orne, in conjunction with 
Messrs. Henshaw & Dunlap, of being the Editors of the Statesman. &c., knowing this 
not to be the fact, and considering it an unwarranted attack upon Col. Orne, I mentioned 
to him the circumstance, and at his request I procured for him the paper which contained 
the article. Having read it, he wrote the note published in the Journal, which at his re- 
quest I handed to Mr. Child, the Editor of the Journal, with a request that he would pub- 
lish it, and he accordingly did publish it. The reason which Col. Orne expressed, at that 
time, for the publishing ot' this note, was his unwillingiies-i to have the responsibility imputed 
to him, of any concern in the conducting of the Statesman, being dissatisfied with th-e 
course pursued by the managers of that paper. I had often before heard him express his 
dissatisfaction of the course pursued by them, principally on account of its violence and 
abusive character in relation to the stale and city authorities, &c. That Col Orne was at 
that time and long before, a most decided, open and zealous advocate for the election of 
Gen. Jackson to the presidency, is a fact well known to me. I had been in the habit of 
seeing him nearly half the time, for several years before, and equally as much so since. 
I have heard him converse frequently on the subject of politics with men of all parties, 
and there is no man within mv knowledge, who expressed himself more freely and decided- 
ly in favor of the election of Gen. Jackson than he did, and none whose sentiments and 
wishes on that subject, I supposed were more notorious. His interest in politics, howev- 
er, was confined to the contest for the presidency ; in the state and city contests I have 
never known him, since his appointment to the station he now holds, under the state gov- 
ernment, to have taken any active part, apparently deeming it a subject inconsistent with 
the delicacy due his official situation. That the letter, as published in ttie Journal, was in 
consequence of an unwillingness to take open and decided ground in regard to the presi- 
dential election never entered my mind, as his open, decided and unhesitating sentiments 
and conduct at that time, long before, and ever since, were entirely inconsistent with such 
an idea. In truth, a man more decided, more unhesitating in his politics, I never knew. 
I have often heard him speak of the course pursued by the Statesman, as one calculated 
to injure, rather than promote, the cause of Gen. Jackson, and on that ground, he ap- 
peared extremely dissatisfied with their conduiit. In any of his conversations concerning 
the presidency, I never, to my knowledge, heard him speak of De Witt Clinton as his can- 
didate, or as the candidate of his party, for the presidency. While Mr. Crawford was a 
candidate for the presidency. Col. Orne was a warm and active advocate for his election, 
and when all hope of his election was given up and the project abandoned, the same zeal 
and ardor was evinced by him to promote the election of Gen. Jackson. These facts are 
strongly fixed in my mind from the frequency of the conversations had on the subject of 
the presidential election, and also from the fact of my being of opposite political sentiments 
with him, both in regard to the state and national contests. WILLIAM KNAPP. 

Oct. 31, 1829. 

In May, 1826, I went to Norfolk, in Virginia. At Baltimore I 
stopped one or two days, both going and returning, and saw repeated- 
ly Mr. Munroe, the editor of the Baltimore Patriot. Although remote 
from each other as the antipodes, in the presidential contests for the 



35 

last seven years, yet both being formerly members of the democratic 
party of Massachusetts, our political conversations when we met, and 
we have met many times, were usually very frank and open. If I had 
wished to conceal my sentiments in opposition to Mr. Adams' adminis- 
tration, I know no Jiian in the country more carefully to be avoided, 
than the zealous and indefatigable, though gentlemanly and high mind- 
ed editor of the Baltimore Patriot. Mr. Munroe also called on me at 
the time, with some prominent friends of Gen. Jackson, who had also 
been equally prominent in the cause of Mr. Crawford. They, per- 
haps, might also recollect our political conversation. My sentimenis 
on those occasions will appear Irom the following statement of Mr. 
Munroe. 

Baltimore, Oct. 5, 1S29. 

Dear Sir : — I have received your letter reminding me of your being in Baltimore early 
in the spring' of 1826 on your way to Norfolk, and asking me to state to you my impres- 
sions as to your political principles as avowed to me at that time. I did certainly un- 
derstand you to be opposed to the adminislration of Mr. Adams, and you slated to me 
very uneqaivocally your intention of opposing his re-election, — that you were for Gen. 
Jackson, and that you believed the Crawford parly pretty generally would rally under his 
standard. You repeated the same sentiments on your return from Norfolk, and gave rea- 
sons why, in your opinion, Virginia would take the same ground. 

Your sentiments are the more fully impressed upon mv mind, as it could not fail to sur- 
prise me to find you so fully wedded to certain men and measures, which, if successful, I 
apprehended, would prove highly injurious to the character and stability of the govern- 
ment, and equally so to the great interests of the &!un(ry. In the result of the contest my 
apprehensions have been more than realized, but I derive consolation in the belief that 
there is yet a redeeming spirit in the people. 

As you have lent your influence to bring upon the country the present state of things, 
you must expect in common to bear a portion of the calamity. 
I am respectfully. 

Your ob't. serv't., 

ISAAC MUNROE. 

At Norfolk, I conversed at much length, and freely, with the Hon. 
Littleton VV. Tazewell, the liberal, higli-minded, illustrious senator 
from Virginia, a gentleman with whom I had been long acquainted, 
and with whom, in regard to tlie contests for t!ie presidency, I have 
acted in perfect harmony, during the last seven years. The period of 
this conversation, it will be remembered, was soon after the discus- 
sions, and decisions on the Panama question, in which Mr. Tazewell 
had taken so powerful and leading a part, and on which I had also 
written, with immeasurably inferior strength, indeed, but certainly, 
with equal zeal. That Mr. Tazewell should have paid much attention 
to the sentiments I expressed to him, is, in the highest degree, im- 
probable ; but if he has any recollection on the subject, it will certain- 
ly be in harmony with my statements. 

In the course of the summer and autumn of 1826, after my return 
from Norfolk, I passed, with my family, a few months at Jamaica 
plains, at the house of Mr. Davis. When gentlemen came to see me, 
and particularly Gen. Boyd, our conversation was very often about 
Gen. Jackson as a candidate for the presidency, and in these, though 
I believe he was not then exactly a Jackson man, Mr. Davis seemed to 



3G 

take a deep interest. I intended to apply to him for his statement ; 
but my avocations, and the distance of his residence, have rendered it, 
for the present, itnpracticable. The incident is important, because it 
must have been about the very moment of time referred to by Mr. Hen- 
shaw's certificate. 

With Judge Ware, of Portland, I have for a great number of years, 
always harmonized in my views in the presidential contests, and hold- 
en with him the most unrestrained and confidential political inter- 
course. He has regularly, I believe for several years, visited Boston, 
once or twice a year, and never, I think, without seeing and convers- 
ing freely with me. To him I would also refer, whether my conversa- 
tion with him has not always been in harmony with this statement. 

That the impression of men of the highest political standing in re- 
gard to my political course, was also similar, differing from me, as 
they essentially did, in politics, and as evidence of the public opinion to 
the same effect, I have taken the liberty to publish the following ex- 
tracts of letters. They were intended as letters of introduction on my 
visit, last winter, to Washington. The first is from Mr. Otis, the 
mayor of this city, who, although an object of favorite denunciation by 
the Statesman party, was actually vindicating, in the Senate of the 
United States, the conduct and character of Gen. Jackson from asper- 
sions, at the very moment Mr. Henshaw and the Statesman party \\ ere 
heaping them upon him. The other is from the Solicitor-general of 
the commonwealth, the Hon. Daniel Davis, a name too well known for 
learning, distinction and worth, to need a comment from me. The 
former was procured for me by a common friend — the latter was ten- 
dered by that courteous civility which is so grateful among gentlemen 
when widely separated by opposing political opinions. They both do 
so much credit to the political liberality of the writers, that I think, in 
taking the liberty of giving them publicity, I commit no act that can be 
offensive to their feelings. 

Hon. Mr. Otis (Hairison Gray) to the Hon. John H. Eaton.— 

Boston, Jan. 21, 1829. 

This letter is intended to introduce to your acquaintance Judge Orne of this city, who 
visits Washington for a few days. He is a gentleman of highly respectable standing 
here; has been a democratic republican from the day he was botn, and a staunch and ac- 
tive friend of Gen. Jackson from the day he was thought of. 1 have no doubt his opinions 
and information respecting the state of parties and things, in this quarter, will be entitled 
to perfect reliance. He is a man of honor, and a gentleman; which is more than can be 
said of every man of any party. 

Copy of a letter, from Hon. Dan'l. Davis to the Hon. John H. Eaton. 

Boston, .Tan. 21, 1829. 

Sir, — I take the liberty to introduce to you the bearer, Henry Orne, Esq. of this city, 
who is about to commeni e a joun-.ey to Wushinglon. 

From a long acquaintance with Mr. Orne, 1 can assure you that he is a gentleman 
highly respected for his talents and attainments ; that in the several offices he has sustain- 
ed under the government of this state, he has been and now is held in high estimation for 
talents, Isarning and integrity, by all classes of the community. 

i have no knowledge of Mr. Orne's objects or motives for visiting the seat of govern- 
ment at this time. Whatever they may be, I can assure you, with perfect sincerity, that 
he is worthy the highest confidence of the government, and that his professional talents, 
loarnioif and eloquence, render him competent to the duties of any office that may be in 



37 

the gift of the new administration. It is perfectly well known here, that during the late 
contest for the chief magistracy of the nation, Mr. Orne devoted iiis talents and influ- 
ence to the cause of the successful candidate. This influence, from Mr. Orne's situation 
and connexions, was very extensive; and it is my opinion that there is no man in Mas- 
sachusetts WHO HAS DONE MORE, OR IN A MANNER SO ENTIRELY UNEXCEP- 
TIONABLE FOR THE ELECTION OF Gen. Jackso>, than Mr. Orne. The new ad- 
ministration will possibly be much assailed by applicants in this quarter for the " loaves 
and fishes " in its power to bestow. If the assurances of a citizen who is aloof from all 
political parties: and has nothing to ask or expect from any of them, or from the govern- 
ment itself, in favor of the reputable character of Mr. Orne, and of the estimation in which 
he is held, can be of any use to him, or the friends of the new administration, they are 
most cheerfully afforded in the present instance. 

These documents occupy so much space, that I must omit, for the 
present, all but two more. 

The first is from the Boston Statesman, of the date of September, 
1826, nominating me, without my knowledge, as the candidate of that 
party, for mayor. From this it would seem, my " base and selfish con- 
duct," stood in my way as a Jackson man, only when I was supposed 
to stand in Mr. Henshaw's way for the coliectorship of this port. The 
articles in the papers of Sept. 21st and 26th, 1826, are understood to 
have been written by Mr. David Henshaw, and about the very time to 
which his certificate relates. 

The proceedings of a meeting at the Exchange, at which a " Jackson corresponding 
committee" was chosen, were published in the Statesman, Saturday September 21st 
1826, and it is theie stated that the meeting look place on the preceding Thursday even- 
ing. 

From the Boston Statesman, Sept. 21st, 1826. 

"Who SHALL BE Mayor. — This question is frequently asked. We want one es- 
sentially different from the one we now have. We want a man of method — who will not, 
before his calculations are made, plunge the city into wasteful expenses. We want a man 
of judgment — of discretion — of discernment — of probity — of veracity — of honor; one who 
understands the laws and will observe them — who knows the rights of the citizens and will 
not trample on them — a man who has energy regulated by judgment, who has zeal di- 
rected by knowledge — one who will command because he will deserve the public confi- 
dence. 

Such a man we have, if he can be induced to leave his present permanent station, for 
an office whose tenure is more precarious. Having no authority to place this gentleman's 
name before the public, I feel a delicacy in doing it. But from a full knowledge of his 
eminent qualifications for this station, I will venture to take the liberty of suggesting for 
the public consideration 

COL. HENRY ORNE, 
as a suitable candidate for the office of may or. He is an inhabitant of the north part of 
the city ; and no man understands the wants and interests of that section better than he 
does. All those friendly to improvement at South Boston, will feel the utmost confidence 
that, so far as it lies with him, Justice will be done to their claims. The republicans of 
Boston will recognize in him a. steady, undevialing, unwavering friend to their prin- 
ciples. The middling classes of society, will have confidence, il he be chosen, that they 
do not now possess, that the mayor knows their wants and will pay some attention to their 
interests, and some respect to their feelings. 

It must be obvious to all, that a revolution of this kind is not to be effected without a 
struggle. 

The King Serpent that has coiled himself around us, and is sucking up our substance 
cannot be strangled without an effort ; that struggle must be met ; that effort must be 
made ; the occasion demands it. In the opposition to Mr. Quincy, and the vile system 
of his administration, we should not be tenacious about the elevation of ihis man, or that 
man. Our object is to make a change; and get a good man, the best man if possible; at any 
rate a better one than the present. And we shall not be likely to get a worse. Col. Orne 
every thing considered, I believe to be the very best man, but about the man we must not 



38 

differ. Little can be effeoted without concert, which is the result of organization. Com- 
bine the efforts of those wlio dislike the present incumbent for his mal-administration, and 
a majority is secured at once, A movement for this object ought to be immediately 
made." j)_ 

Statesman, September 23d, 1826. 
"Mr. Greene. —We are much pleased to read in your paper, a nomination to the 
important ofBce of Mayor, of 

COL. HENRY ORNE. 
VVe want a man of talents, energy, prudence, and official integrity. A man who knows 
the public interests ; and is willing to labor for them ; knows how to labor judiciously, and 
would not sacrifice their interests to those of individuals. Such a man we want, such a 
man we have not got, but such a man we can have in Col. Orne. 

THOUSANDS." 

Statesman, September 26lh, 1826. 

" Some misapprehensions I find exist in regard to the nomination of Col. Orne. In 
suggesting the name of that gentleman it was done without his consent or knowledge, for 
the consideration of the public. It is not presumed that Col. Orne would be very solicit- 
ous to exchange his present place for the office of mayor ; but if he were called to that of- 
fice by the voice of his fellow citizens, I have little doubt he would obey the call. It is 
immaterial whom we gel to take the office, provided we get a good and competent man, 
who is a republican in his principles, habits, and feelings. Such an one whether Colonel 
Orne, or any other persooj whom the voice of the republican party should put in nomi- 
nation, will get support, and wi/Z be elected — it is amusing to witness the ignorance 
a.r\d prejudices of some men. All who know Col. Orne, know him to be a man of talents 

of industry — of research — of method — of discretion — of judgment — of integrity; a gen- 
tleman in his deportment; of frank, open and urbane manners. And yet 1 have heard 
men whose coats would indicate them gentlemen, who perhaps never even so much as saw 
Col Orne, who knew nothing of him, pronounce him a blockhead and a black-guard, and 
m the same breath, rate Mr. Quincy but one grade below perfection." D. 

The other is also a letter from Mr. Henshaw. It was written under 
the following circumstances. About the time of its date, I was upon 
the point of starting for Albany, where I presumed I might be detain- 
ed two or three days, waiting for a member of my family who was re- 
turning from the south, where her health had led her during the pre- 
ceding winter. Having no acquaintance in Albany, Mr. Henshaw 
and some other gentlemen, very politely then, gave me letters. Find- 
ing the member of my family in Albany on my arrival, I made no stop 
there, and consequently had no occasion to use my letters of introduc- 
tion, 

Boston, May 16, 1828. 
Dear Sir, — Permit me to introduce to you my highly esteemed friend. Col. Henry 
Orne. Col. Orne is about to visit Albany for a few days, and having no acquaintance in 
your city, 1 have taken the liberty of offering him a letter of introduction to you. He is 
probably already known to you by reputaton, as one of our most respectable citizens, 
THOUGH RANKING AMONG THK 'IrACTious OPPOSITION." Any civilities you may 
show him will lay me under additional obligations to you. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servaiit, 

DAVID HENSHAW. 
Ebenezer Baldwin, Esq. Albany. 

The length of this article compels me to omit some remarks I intend- 
ed to make, upon the confidence to be placed in a man, vvho pretends, 
several years after its occurrence, without giving any reason for so ex- 
traordinary an act of memory, to relate the veryjorm and substance ol 
a transient accidental circnmslancc. A man who will place his veracity 
at stake on the fidelity of his memory under sucli circumstances, 



99 

evinces so little regard for it, that I feel no inclination to follow his 
example. Let a man be judged by such conversations, recollected, 
reported, and colored by his avowed, irritated and revengeful ene- 
my, and there will be no difficulty in proving the boldest and most 
constant of Jackson's friends — nay, the very members of his cabi- 
net, — not only "fence-men," but his dissembling enemies, and po- 
litical opponents. Let a man be judged by such testimony, and his 
enemy can prove what he pleases. HENRY ORNE. 



[In subsequent numbers. Col. Orne proceeds to show that he wrote 
more in regard to the recent presidential contest, and commenced at an 
earlier period, than any member of the party in Boston, — perhaps he 
might have said, than any in all the New England States. These 
parts we are compelled to omit, and proceed to his remarks about the 
sentiments of Mr. David Henshavv, in regard to his certificate. These 
Col. Orne shows conclusively to have been the reverse of those which 
Mr. Henshaw ascribes to himself, and thus redeems his pledge to fas- 
ten "falsehood on Mr. Henshaw's statement."] 

Soon after the publication of these numbers of Old Republican, the 
alliance was made between the Adams and Clay party, and Messrs. 
Henshaw, Simpson and Dunlap, and they went to the legislature. Be- 
fore this event Mr. Dunlap had been quite noisy for Gen. Jackson ; 
but after it, until he was dropped by the Adams party, I heard noth- 
ing from his lips. But that Mr. Henshaw had, ever, up to the moment 
of that alliance, uttered a sentiment in favor of supporting Gen. Jack- 
son, I cannot believe, as what knowledge I had of his sentiments was 
altogether irreconcilable with such a course. If the Statesman con- 
tains any evidence of such sentiments at that time or during the whole 
political year of his connexion with the Clay party, I should be glad to 
have it pointed out. 

It has been elsewhere stated that this alliance, under the circum- 
stances, with the Clay party, was excessively displeasing to me — en- 
countered in the first instance, my opposition, — and put an end, dur- 
ing the remainder of that political year, to my connexion with the 
Statesman, and with my intercourse with ail its managers. I scarcely 
ever, if ever, went to the Statesman office, and had no other inter- 
course with its printer, Mr. Greene, than what arose from lending him 
money, or endorsing his notes. I probably never conversed, during 
the year, more than once with Mr. Henshaw, on any political subject, 
and then, as he states, he probably came to my office on business, talk- 
ed upon the subject of the Jackson corresponding committee, gotten 
up by Mr. Samuel Jones which I declined serving on ; and which de- 
clining, it is highly probable I stated at the time. I cannot, like Mr. 
Henshaw, pretend to report, at this length of time, the ybrm of the con- 
versation ; but I have a conviction, as confident as I have of my exist- 



40 

ence, that the sentiments he expressed were unfavorable to the char- 
acter of Gen. Jackson, to his being supported for the presidency, and 
to Mr. Henshaw's consenting to act on Mr. Samuel Jones' correspond- 
ing committee. That I could not have dissuaded him from serving on 
that committee, if instead of avowing an inclination to serve on it, he 
expressed the most opposite and determined resolution, will be readily 
credited. 

His dislike to the character and conduct of Gen. Jackson, appear- 
ed to me of the deepest and most heartfelt kind ; and there was no act 
of his life, or sentiment that [ ever knew him to utter, calculated to 
convey a different impression, until the letter recently published by 
him, addressed to the president, and in relation to the memorial of the 
Boston Merchants. 

Except the single instance of his conversation with me, referred to 
by him, and which I have above spoken of, I know nothing of and had 
no direct means of knowing, Mr. Henshaw's private sentiments ; but 
from the information of others, I had many reasons for thinking his sen- 
timents regarding Gen. Jackson, were of the most unfavorable charac- 
ter. To some of these I shall now refer. 

In the first place, it will be remembered, that nearly all his politi- 
cal associates are now most deeply in his interest, and will not of course, 
give the public any information they may have. Others, again, who 
have no interest in the subject, are unwilling to give voluntary testi- 
mony of any thing within their knowledge. So that though the wit- 
nesses of his conduct and sentiments maybe innumerable, it is not an 
easy matter to bring them before the public. 

I understand that Mr. Delano, of the firm of Delano & Whitney, 
had been a clerk of Mr. Henshaw, and has heard him speak very free- 
ly of Gen. Jackson. The expressions I understand Mr. Delano to 
speak of, show that Mr. Ilenshaw compared the character of Gen. 
Jackson to that of the devil. 

In the year 1826 or 1827, probably the latter, Mr. George Darracot, 
whose respectability and candor will place any statement he may make 
above suspicion, was travelling in the stage somewhere with Mr. Hen- 
shaw, and conversed with him on this subject. The opinion Mr. Hen- 
shaw expressed to Mr. Darracot concerning Gen Jackson, was of a 
very unfavorable character, and to the effect , that if Mr. H. support- 
ed, or should support Gen. Jackson, it was or would be, because he 
was the candidate, not of himself, but of the party. 

As late as the summer of 1828, during the dissentions of the Jack- 
son party in Boston, a gentleman who was devotedly friendly to Gen. 
Jackson, and was yet strongly attached to Mr. Henshaw, and in the 
habit of the most familiar intercourse with him, frequently spoke to Dr. 
Ingalls and myself, of Mr. Henshaw's strong dislike of the character 
of Gen. Jackson ; and of his expressing sentiments on the subject more 
severe, if possible, than any ever published in the Massachusetts Jour- 
nal. Sentiments very similar to those recently ascribed to Mr. Henshaw 
by a writer in the Bulletin, under the signature of a "Yeoman." 



41 

The opinions Mr. Henshaw entertained of the conduct and character 
of Gen. Jackson, are also published by a " Yeoman," with a proffer, 
I understand of supporting them, if necessary, by his oath. These 
opinions were expressed long subsequent to Mr. Henshaw's supposed 
conversation with me, and after the very period he and the Statesman 
party were endeavoring to make an impression that I was a "fenceman" 
and " trimmer," and when they were at open variance with the Jack- 
son republican party. The writer of a "Yeoman," I understand, is 
known to the editors of the Bulletin, and Mr. Henshaw has it undoubt- 
edly in his power to call on him to support his statement, if he thinks 
proper. Here, then, is a public accusation against Mr. Henshaw, on 
the authority of a responsible name, by one who claims to have been 
in the habit of the most free and unreserved intercourse with him. I 
view it, under the circumstances, when uncontradicted, as testimony 
of the most conclusive character, and establishing, beyond the possi- 
bility of cavil, Mr. Henshaw's opinions. Let his language, as stated 
by a " Yeoman," be compared with Mr. Henshaw's certificate of his 
conversation with me, and the character I have ascribed to that certifi- 
cate is more than justified. I quote from the Yeoman the following 
passage. 

Extract from a communication in the Boston Evening Bulletin, signed a " Yeoman." 
" But I will now remind you of a few inconsistencies which must be fresh in your 
memory. Whenever I advocated my long favorite candidate, Andrew Jackson, as the 
only man of the day who was eminently qualified to fill the office which he now holds, 
your invariable reply, down to the summer of 1828, was, and you will blush to think of it 
now, if you are susceptible of the least feeling of shame, that Gen. Jackson was a 

CRUEL AND ARBITRARY TYRANT, RICHLY DESERVING THE GALLOWS. As late as 

the summer of 1828, when conversing on the glorious victory at the battle of the Horse 
Shoe, which reflected so much glory on the commander, you told me that Jackson, for his 
conduct there, deserved to be publicly executed. You observed that you sup- 
ported him from necessity only ; that HE WAS not qualified TO FILL THE OFFICE; 
that HIS CRUELTY WAS UNPARALLELED; and cited the old stories of the six militia 
men, Arbuthnot and Ambrister, &c. in support of your allegation. You stated that after 
the battle of the Horse Shoe, he ordered the throats cut or several who had 

SURRENDERED, and TORTURED AN INDIAN WHO WAS FOUND IN A HOLLOW LOG, 

till he-died. Such, sir, you cannot deny, was your common conversation with me, and I 
am surprised that you should expect to dictate to the president in his appointments, or thai 
you should consent to hold an office under a man so despicable as you have ever represent- 
ed him to be. You close your letter " with sentiments of profound respect and venera- 
tion." It will at once appear that it is as hypocritical, as it is inconsistent and presump- 
tuoui." 

By the publication of " Yeoman " then, it would seem that Mr. 
Henshaw, in attributing to me the expression that Gen. Jackson " had 
not a single qualification for the office " of president, was committing 
a mistake not very uncommon among witnesses of a certain character, 
of putting his own sentiments into my mouth. He was, it would seem, 
correct in stating the sentiment — but only made a little mistake in re- 
gard to the person who uttered it. 

It should also be remembered, that at the time Mr. Henshaw held 

this supposed conversation with me, he depended on the support of the 

Adams and Clay party, for his seat in the legislature, while I had no 

connection whatever with^any party, but with that of Jackson, or the 

6 



42 

opposition. Kc had the strongest motives to conciliate Adams men, 
while I had, for such a course, no imaginahle motive. His interest 
led him to the support of Adams, or at least kept him from that of 
Jackson, while I had no possible interest in dissembling my connection 
with the Jackson party. It might have been good policy for him, to 
avoid committing himself, but after my open vindication of the oppo- 
sition, a few months before, as Old Republican, my free avowal of a 
preference for Jackson, to the leading Adams editor in Baltimore, and 
explicit declarations on the subject, to all parties in Boston, there was 
no imaginable policy to govern me, in avoiding a connection with the 
Jackson corresponding committee. 

Mr. Henshaw, however, avows his resolute determination to take an 
official part on that committee, his anxiety to have it organized, and 
my anxiety to dissuade him. If his statement be correct, he acted 
with that committee in defiance of my advice. What then will the 
public think of his veracity, wlien it indubitably appears, that so far 
from an anxiety to act with that committee, Mr. Henshaw, in the most 
explicit nianner, refused to accept the trust, and distinctly told the com- 
mittee of the caucus who waited upon him for his answer, Uhat if his 
name was amiounccd on that commiilee, he would come oid publicly and 
decline ! and as this declaration was made immediately after his se- 
lection was known to him, it must have been previous to his supposed 
conversation with me ! 

This conclusively appears by the certificate of Col. Jarvis, which he 
is ready, as he informed me, to support on oath. Col. Jarvis, while 
at Washington, assisting in editing the Telegraph, being deceived by 
the Statesman version of the causes of our division, was strongly 
united to that party in teeling, and prejudiced against me. He had 
been on the n50St intimate and friendly terms with Mr. Henshaw, — 
owed, in part, his connection with the Telegraph to Mr. Henshaw's 
exertions, and, at the time of the dissolution of his connection with 
Duff Green, had selected Mr. Henshaw as a referee. These cir- 
cumstances had rendered my political connections with Col. Jarvis al- 
most as unfriendly as those with the Statesman party. He is a wit- 
ness, therefore, from their own ranks. But cool as our political re- 
lations have been, my knowledge of Col. Jarvis' character gave me 
always great confidence in his honor, integrity and veracity; and I am 
certain these qualities will not be denied to him by any one that 
knows him. His statement and my letter requesting it, are as fol- 
lows : 

Boston, Sept. 29, 1829. 
Col. Russf.ll Jarvis: my dear sir — You have probably seen the certificate given 
by Mr. David Henshaw of my opyjositinn to his serving on the Jackson corresponding 
committee of Poston, and of his determined and generous devotion of himself to the aid of 
that committee, and to the cause of Gen. Jackson. If I remember correctly you were se- 
lected at the meeting at the E.\change as one of that committee, and were very anxious and 
active to have it organized, and to proceed zealously in its duties. The circumstances 
under which Mr. Henshaw calls me before the public, entitles me, I think, to have such 
information as honorable men can furnish nie with, in relation to the charge. As such I 



43 

call upon you. Will you do me the favor to state what you know of the procoeclir.ns of 
that comniiUue, of Mr. Heiishaw's connexion wilii, and sentiments regarding it. 
Accept the assurances of my respectful considciation. 

Hi':XRV ORXK. 

Col. Jityv'ts'' SUdcmcnt. 

BosTo.v, Sept. 2?, ^'^29. 

Col. IIf.N'RY Ornf. : dear sir — I have this inomont received yonr note o*" this niorn- 
iniT, in which you reqne.it me to stale -vliat I know of Mr. D ivid Henshaw's connexion 
with a meeting that was held at the Exohango CotT.;c House, about the fnst of August, 
or first of September, 1826 ; an J will proceed to state the facts according to my recollec- 
tion. 

Painful indeed is the necessity wliich itnpcls me to any disclosures urifavorablo to the 
character of Mr. Heiishaw ; for he once held a hi^h place in my esteem, and for !iis honor 
atid inteijrity, I would have endorsed to any extent. My association with him was inti- 
mate, and on my part, unreservedly confidential ; for, entertaining a hi^h estimtae of his 
character, I regarded him with more than frie.-uly, with d\mosi frrdernal feclinijs, and 
felt a deep interest in his weliare. I had, indeed, long deemed him a timid politician, 
without that stern, indexible, uncompromising fidelity to his political associations, that 
would induce liiiU to remain contented in a hapless minority, or to forego public honors, 
when they were within his roach, through a little of tiiat trimming, as it is familiarl)' call- 
ed, which is so common among political men, especially of the present age. This trait, 
indeed, I could not approve, but was disposed to pardon ; as I ascribed it to want uf firm- 
nes;, and not want of inte^ritv, and saw that, in this, he erred in common with many, very 
many others. I knew that a Regnlus or a Sca;vola were not to be found every day, and 
that the unbending constancy of Lafayette was an uncommon quality ; and theretore did 
not wonder at discovering in Mr. Henshaw a disposition to prefer the strongest side, 
though that side might present some feature? which he did not approve. But 1 believed 
him incapable of infidelity to the duties of private friendship or private honor, or of seek- 
ing a selfish end through unworthy expedients. You may iinagine the shock that was giv- 
en to my feelings, when I learned, through certain developments, in Washington and Boa- 
ton, that my previous good opinion of him was utterly ill-founded, that he wore a mask, 
and was capable of dishonorable transactions. 

But painful as is the necessity which impels me to speak of the past, the demands of 
justice are imperative, and I hasten to comply with your request. I have read his state- 
ment in the Statesman of Saturday last ; and though a few months since, I should have 
read it " with unfeigned astonishment and concern," I must now confess, though re- 
luctantly, that, such things f:om him at the present day, do not excite those emotions. 
This, I admit, is strong language. But the feelings which prompt it are strong; and I 
submit to Mr. Henshaw's conscience to decide whether a man of even ordinary sensibili- 
ties, on discovering perfidy and ialsehood where he had looked for fidelity and truth, might 
not be expected to fcel deeply, and to express his feelings e'=>.rnestly. 

This statement to my apprehension, is drawn with no little art, and forcibly illnstratea 
the duplicity of its author. Mr. ilenshaw does nut directly say that, he was willing to 
serve, or desirous of serving, as a member of the committee of correspondence alluded to 
in his statement ; but from the tenor of his replies to what he represents as your sugges- 
tions, he would induce the public to infer that, he was ready and willing, and had never 
refuicd, or urged any objection. My recollection of some things connected with this 
meet ng at the Exchange Coffee House, and which are somewhat inconsistent with the 
inl'erenca which might be drawn from ?.Ir. Henshaw's statement, is very distinct, for they 
mideon my mind a very strong ini|>rossion. Sometime in the summer of 1826, Mr. E. 
Vv. Ueinhart consulted with me about establishing a political paper in this citv, to be en- 
gaged in promoting the election of General Jackson. My reply was that, I could not then 
conveniently furnish any pecuniary aid beyond subscribing for his paper, and would not os- 
tensibly be concerned in its publication or superintendance ; but that my pen should be at 
his service in the cause of Gen. Jackson, and th it I would, whenever required by the edi- 
tor, and without any compensation, write political essays for him. 1 also wrote a pros- 
pectus of his paper, which was to be entitled " The North American Democrat," which 
prospectus was pnnlishe i in the Statesman, and afterwards in the Wasliington Telegraph. 
Shortly after its publication, according to my best recollection, I had a conversation with 
ivlr. Henshaw, in which lie spoke very coldlj' of the project, expressed strong doubts of its 
success, and urged me to avoid any counection with it. 1 was forcibly strucit by these re- 



Hiarks, which, from their similarity in character to his contitict after tlie meeting at the 
Exchange Coffee House, aided in fixing that conduct very strongly in my memory. 

I did not see Mr. Henshaw at this meeting. Mr. Dyer presided, and Mr. Reinhart 
was Secretary. After a nomination of Gen Jackson, and the reading and accepting of an 
aildress to the public in support of such nomination, the meeting proceeded to appoint 
county and ward committees for the county of Suffolk, and a corresponding committee to 
confer with a similar committee at Nashville, and with others that might be appointed in 
other States. I was one of a committee of nomination, to nominate and report to the 
meeting a corresponding committee. This committee reported a list of names, to which 
my own, and those of my associates, were added by the meeting. At the head of the list 
which we reported, was the name of Mr, Henshaw, whom we intended for the chairman of 
the corresponding committee. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the meeting, about nine in the evening, I pro- 
ceeded to the lodgings of Mr. Henshaw, to inform him of his appointment. After hearing 
my statement, he expressed his regret for what had been done, saying that it was too soon 
to begin a movement in favor of Gen. Jackson, and that Massachusetts was not the state 
in which to begin it. I replied that, instead of its being too soon, it was almost too late, 
and that, if we wished to avoid the imputation of waiting till we had discovered which was 
the strongest side, we should move without delay; and that Massachusetts was the fittest 
place for a movement ; since it would shew that Mr. Adams would be opposed in his 
strongest hold, whereby the people of other states would be encouraged to move. He then 
said that he had another objection, which was that HE WAS ]NOT SURE OF MR. 
ADAMS' DEFEAT, AND THOUGHT THAT APPEARANCES VERY STRONG- 
LY INDICATED HIS RE-ELECTION. 

I then stated that, as we had begun, we must proceed, for we could not think of placing 
ourselves in the very awkward attitude in which we must stand after receding; and that, 
as the proceedings of the meeting were to be published, his name must appear as chair- 
man of the committee. He then said that if his name was published as one of the com- 
mittee, HE SHOULD BE OBLIGED TO DECLINE PUBLICLY. I then re- 
quested him to consider of the subject, and said that the publication of the names should 
be suspended for one day. On the next day, I learned that he persisted in declining to- 
act, and that Messrs. J. K. Simpson and A. Dunlap, who had been appointed to the same 
committee, decmntd also. After this, I heard no more of the affair, as the committee 
were not, to my knowledge, called together daring the remainder of my residence in^ Bos- 
ton, which continued till the middle of December, 1827. 

1 will also state another fact, which, though not embraced by your inquiry, has some 
bearing upon the subject. Some time in the autumn of 1827, I believe in the month of 
October, I suggested to Messrs. D. Henshaw and A. Dunlap the expediency of calling this 
Committee together, and stated that I had prepared an address to the public in favor of 
Gen. Jackson's election. On the next day, they met me at my house in Dorchester, 
heard the address, which they highly approved, and appointed an evening for my meeting 
them and some others at the lodgings of Mr. Henshaw, to make arrangements for the con- 
templated movement. At this meeting, I again read this document, and urged the neces- 
sity of acting immediately ; for, so late was the period, that, we could not hope to escape 
the imputation of time serving, of which I never had been very desirous. You may 
judge of my astonishment, my disgust, on hearing them, Messrs. Henshaw and Dunlap, 
supported by Mr. Simpson, say, that IT WAS TOO SOON TO MOVE, AND THAT 
THE SUBJECT OUGHT TO BE POSTPONKD TILL THE MEETING OF 
THE LEGISLATURE IN JANUARY, 1828, WHEN A STATE CONVEN- 
TION MIGHT BE ASSEMBLED. The subject was dropped, and I made no fur- 
ther exertions to call together this corresponding committee. Though I trust that, to 
those who know me, my simple declaration is sufficient, yet I am ready, whenever called 
upon, to make the foregoing statement under oath. 

Very respectfully, yours, 

RUSSELL JARVIS, 

To the other testimony, I will only further add for the present, that 
of Mr. John Adams, long one of the most active and zealous mem- 
bers of the Statesman ward and county committees. He not only 
confirms Col. Jarvis' statement, so far as the facts come under his 
observation, but shows, as Col. Jarvis' statemenfwould have prepared 



45 

us to expect, that the Jackson corregponding committee was never or- 
ganized, or called together, because — Mr. Henshmv, as its chairman, 
refused to act. 

Boston, Sept. 28, 1829. 

I, the subscriber, John Adams, of Boston, state, that during the last presidential con- 
test, 1 was a member of the Jackson ward and county committees, <rom the meeting at 
the Excharjge Coffee House, August 31st, 1826, until the organization of the Jackson Re- 
publican party in the summer of 1828. During that period I was considered a very ac- 
tive member of the committee. I attended the meeting above spoken of, at the Exchange 
Coffee House. Mr. Henshaw was present near the entering door, among the spectators, 
but took no part in the proceedings. That meeting chose a committee of correspondence, 
among whom the name of Mr. David Henshaw was mentioned. I had no conversation 
with Mr. Henshaw on the subject of this committee, until th« following spring, after he 
had been run for the senate on the free bridge list of senators, and had lost the election. 
I remarked to him then that he had been violently attacked in the papers, because it was 
said he had been chosen chairman of the Jackson corresponding committee; and further 
observed, that as he had been charged with it, he had better take the merit of it, get the 
committee together, and come out with an address that should go through all the western 
country. He remarked, I wont have anything to do with it, and wont have anything to do 
with the committee. I believe the Jackson corresponding committee had never, at that 
time, been called together. 

In the fall of 1827, after Mr. Henshaw had been run as a candidate for congress, I saw 
Mr. Henshaw and Mr. Dunlap together, and one or the other said, " Adams, can't you 
get us a list of the corresponding committee that was chosen at the meeting at the Ex- 
change." I replied I would endeavor to get a list the next day. Accordingly I did pro- 
cure from Mr. Dyer, what I understood to be a correct list, and handed it to Mr. Dunlap 
a few days afterwards, containing, as [ was told, all the names, except Mr. Reinhart, Mr. 
Dyer, and Mr. George A. Otis, in the room of which I took the liberty of filling those va- 
cancies, occasioned bv their absence, by three other names. I never knew or heard that 
the committee was ever called together, Mr. Dunlap carrying the list in his wallet until the 
spring of 1S28. At the Jackson meeting at the new court house, to put up a list of Jack- 
son senators for the spring of 1828, I made a motion to have the vacancies of that commit j. 
tee filled up, and that the committee should be organized — but it did not take effect, and 
this deponent has a perfect confidence that that corresponding committee never was organ- 
ized or called together. JOHN ADAMS. 

In addition to these, as I view them, incontestible facts, I wish it 
to be distinctly understood, that in the conversation with me, refer- 
red to by Mr. Henshaw, although I cannot pretend to relate his lan- 
guage, he made me most clearly understand, and I say it without the 
smallest doubt or hesitation, that he had a most unfavorable opinion of 
Gen. Jackson's character and qualifications for the presidency, and 
had formed a resolute determination not to take any part in Mr. Sam'l. 
Jones' movement to get up a Jackson corresponding committee. Mr. 
Henshaw, then, not only avowed an unwillingness to serve on the com- 
mittee, but spoke in the freest manner of his dislike of Gen. Jackson's 
character, and of his own unwillingness to support him. When he 
changed his impression, and formed a more favorable estimate of his 
character, I do not know ; but if his sentiments are truly expressed 
in his late letter to the president, I have sufficient information to satis- 
fy my mind, beyond a reasonable doubt, that it was not until long after 
Mr. Henshaw was a candidate for the office of collector. 

HENRY ORNE. 



46 

THere are completed our extracts from the numbers published by 
Col. Orne in the Bulletin. Having understood, however, it was ori- 
ginally his intention to notice some others of Mr. Greene's statements, 
wc have requested him to make any further remarks that he might de- 
sire, previous to this publication. To our request on that subject, we 
publish the following letter from Col Orne.] 

Boston, Nov. 4th, 1829. 
JHessrs. Putnam Sf Hiiint, 

Gentlemen, — 

In relation to your question " whether or not I had completed the 
publication I had intended to make, through the columns of the Bul- 
letin, in reply to a certain publication about me in the Boston States- 
man, in the name of Mr. Nathaniel Greene, in which he published the 
certificates of Mr. David Henshavv and several of his officers in the 
Custom Houi=e," I would answer, that it was originally my intention 
to have published two or three more numbers, more fully exposing the 
falsehood of Mr. Greene's publication. Believing, however, that the 
expositions I have already made, have shown the characters of Mr. 
Greene and his associates to be entirely unworthy of the public confi- 
dence, and that their statements, in most material respects, were es- 
sentially false, — that, in fact, they stand in so degraded a point of view 
before the public, that it is almost useless forme to say any thing more 
on the subject. I had decided to leave them in their well merited dis- 
grace, until I learned the determination to print, in a pamphlet form, 
apart of my ansv/er to Mr. Greene's publication. 

There are, however, one or two subjects, omitted heretofore, to be 
noticed by me, about which I am desirous of offering a few remarks. 

On another occasion, I stated that information had been given me 
that Mr. Greene and his associates, had exhibited in Washington, the 
notes of hand I had endorsed for True and Greene, and their notes to 
me for borrowed money which they had taken up, as evidence that I 
had been paid lor writing in the Statesman during the recent presi- 
dential contest. Mr. Greene has denied any agency in the use of 
such notes, or any imputation on me, that I had been paid for such 
services. The fact, contrary to Mr. Greene's denial, I think could 
be established by many respectable witnesses. It will however, pro- 
bably, be deemed sufficiently proved, by the annexed statement of Col. 
Jarvis, a witness whose opportunities to know the fact, will not be, 
any more than his credibility, dra-ivn in question. 

Boston, Oct. 24, 1829. 
Col. Henry Orne, — 

Dear Sir, — hi comparing your letter to Duff Green, published in the Bulletin of 
September 18th, with that of Mr. Nathaniel Greene to the public, published in the 
Statesman of September 26th, I find on one point a remarkable discrepancy. You 
say " It has been stated to me,— but what kind of heart must that be which could 
credit it ? — that the very notes I endorsed for True and Greene, nay the very notes 
given me for borrowed money when it could be obtained in no other way, were ta- 
ken to Washington, and shown to the president, in proof oi my being paid for my 
ivritin^s in support cf his election." Rfr- Cieenesays "1 7iei'(r carried fo JJ'ash- 



47 

ington, nor while there exhibited, nor spoke about any notes endorsed by you.' 
Though it is for the public to reconcile these contradictory statements, yet that of 
Mr. rireene has excited my attention, as being inconsistent with what I have heard 
on the same subject, at different times and in different places. 

In the summer of 1828, and inmiediately after I recieved in W.-ishington the news 
of your having established the Jackson Republican, in company with some other gen- 
tlemen of the Jackson party, I learned that, very unexpectedly to Mr. Greene, you 
had demanded of him six hundred dollars, as compensation for writing in the States- 
man during the presidential contest that terminated in 1825 ; and that Mr. Greene, 
then utterly unable to pay you, and scarce able to keep the Statesman alive from 
day to day, gave you his note for that sum ; and that with great exertion, and upon 
your repeated solicitation, he paid you by instalments, and completed the payment 
in the summer of 1828, shortly before this statement was made to me- I heard 
these declarations, of which I have given the substance, with astonishment, express- 
ed my feelings in strong terms against the mercenary spirit which you appeared to 
have indicated by the transaction, and viewed it as proof of the unworthy motives 
which were attiibuted to you in your secession from the persons connected with the 
Statesman. 

Nor is this all. In the winter or spring of 1829, while Mr. Greene and several 
others connected with the Statesman weie at Washington, I heard from two of 
them a repetition of the statement, accompanied by the addition, that, the note or 
notes given to you by Mr. Greene for the sum thus extorted, and afterwards taken 
up by him, had been laid before General Jackson as evidence of the transaction. 
These statements were made to me with some publicity, particularly in presence of 
New England gentlemen from other states than Massachusetts, and strangers to my- 
self. But what is still more remarkable, as tending to show the extensive circulation 
of these statements, I was told, while in Windsor, in Vermont, a few weeks since, that, 
you had been paid in cash by Mr. Greene for your writings in the Statesman, and 
that written evidence of the payment had been laid before the president. 

The hearing of these statements by yourself in Boston, by me in Washington, and 
by others in Vermont, affords some proof that exertions have been made to circulate 
them ; and how far they consist with Mr. Greene's denial, is a question for the pub- 
lic to decide. 

Vcrv respectfully, yours, 

R. JARVIS. 

It was equally in my power to prove a fact sufficiently notorious to 
all his and Mr. Henshaw's associates, that Mr. Greene's paper was 
only very partially open to the support of Gen. Jackson, until a very 
late period in the contest ; and that the advocates of the present ad- 
ministration were embarrassed much, for a long time, from the want of 
a decided paper friendly to his election, — a want which Mr. Reinhart 
so strenuously but unsuccessfully strove, for a long time to supply. 
I however, have determined, for the present, to waive any further 
arguments on this subject, and to leave Mr. Greene to impose still 
longeron the government, if they are not yet sufficiently auare of his 
course and character. 

The only remaining subject I think it proper now to notice, is the 
extract which Mr. Greene professes to make from one of my articles 
formerly published in his paper, under the signature of" Old Republi- 
can." In regard to that extract I would say much ; but it will be pro- 
bably enough far the present to state a single fact. There is no- 

SUCH PARAGRAPH IN OlD REPUBLICAN AS 5Ir. GrEENE PRETENDS 

TO ftuoTE. But Mr. Greene has by transposing lines and parts of par- 



48 

agraphs, united them together, so as to give the expression which he 
attributes to me ; but which is almost essentially opposite to my senti- 
ments as published. To explain this in detail requires more time than 
I can now bestow ; but by the art of concession of parts, and of quali- 
fications of other parts, and by transpositions and new collocations, he 
has grossly misrepresented my sentiments and opinions. I deem his 
publication, in fact, in this respect, as essentially a forgery ; although 
the sentiment he does affect to quote, is one which I ought to have lit- 
tle reluctance to have imputed to me. It proves nothing as it is, in my 
opinion ; but whether this be correct or otherwise, the proof he ad- 
duces is essentially a forgery * 

Respectfully your obt. servt. 

HENRY ORNE. 

* I suppose Mr. Greene felt himself safe in this course, from a belief that I could not 
obtain the numbers of his paper, in order to expose his artifice and unfairness. 




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